Essay on Juvenile Offenders - 2518 Words

A youth say 13, boy or girl, acquires a gun and shoots another youth who has been harassing them. There is no doubt they should receive some sort of punishment for their actions. However, should they receive this punishment through the Juvenile Courts or Criminal Courts? This is the question, which has no real definitive answer. However, this paper will attempt to address some important issued concerning this matter. Studies have shown that juvenile crime was on the raise during the beginning of the 1990’s. During the late 1990’s and into the early part of the new century these crimes have fallen slightly. However, where these crimes the same type of crimes as juveniles committed before? No these crimes have become more violent in nature†¦show more content†¦If a child did something wrong it was legal for a father to take his life. Now as time went on things changed and so did life. Progress was moving forward and children advanced along with the rest of humani ty. This is evident today in that children today do things we could only dream of doing at their age. In considering this at what age, does a child show a difference between diminished responsibility and bad decision? Children today have advanced socially due to modern technology such as television, movies, and games. The time when a child killed someone but because he/she did not understand a gun with bullets can harm is no longer. Now they can still make a bad decision but at the same time adults make bad decisions and are held responsible so why not those children who do the same thing? Legislation in each state addressed this issue. The State of Arizona for example has no age limit for transferring a juvenile to criminal court. Arizona uses a variety of provisions in order to deal with juvenile crime. These include judicial wavier laws like discretionary and presumptive. In addition, procedures for dealing concurrent jurisdiction, statutory exclusion, reverse wavier and once an adult always an adult. The next part in dealing with age is the use of term delinquency as it pertains to juvenile crime. Before continuing, you must understand when dealing with juvenile crimes the term delinquency is a part of the actions involved. All juveniles who processShow MoreRelatedIs Juvenile Sex Offenders?1741 Words   |  7 PagesI. Juvenile Sex Offenders The focus of this paper is juvenile sex offenders. We believe that this population is in need of more intensive community-based services, especially for those who are registered as a Megan’s Law Offender and have to follow the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Process. Three case studies will be illustrated in order to demonstrate our motivation to pursue social justice for this population. In summer of 2015, I (Dalynet) sat on a courtroom witnessing how a CarlRead MoreJuvenile Sex Offenders6865 Words   |  28 PagesResearch Paper 2 Juvenile sex offenders are frequently treated in the same manner as their adult counterparts with regards to punishment and sex offender registering. â€Å"Nationally, juvenile sex offenders make up 20% of all individuals charged with sexual offenses (McGinnis, 2006).† Placing a sex offender label on a juvenile may unjustifiably put restrictions on his or her opportunities in adulthood so it is for this reason that cases involving juvenile sex offenders should be prosecuted cautiouslyRead MoreJuvenile Female Sex Offenders : Offender And Offence Characteristics933 Words   |  4 PagesWriting Assignment #1 CRIJ 2313-Dr.Koenigsberg 9/17/14 Juvenile Female Sex Offenders Wijkman, Miriam, Catrien Bijleveld, and Jan Hendriks. Juvenile Female Sex Offenders: Offender And Offence Characteristics. European Journal Of Criminology 11.1 (2013): 23-38. European Journal Of Criminology. Web. 14 Sept. 2014. http://euc.sagepub.com/content/11/1/23. For this critical paper I evaluated the article, Juvenile Female Sex Offenders: Offender And Offence Characteristics†. This article conforms toRead MoreBenefits Of Treatment For Juvenile Offenders1934 Words   |  8 Pages The Benefits of Treatment for Juvenile Offenders Tompkins, Patrice Texas State University The Benefits of Treatment for Juvenile Offenders The juvenile justice system is broken in the United States but Louisiana, among many other states, is focusing their efforts into treatment over the incarceration of juvenile offenders According to the New York Times (2015), Louisiana has become a juvenile justice reform leader. State and local leaders have been working hard to make dramaticRead MoreLaws of Juvenile Sexual Offenders Essay1690 Words   |  7 PagesJuvenile Sexual Offenders: Should the Laws Be Adjusted? In today’s society of internet sex crimes being broadcast on the evening news and 60 Minutes doing specials at least once a month. Are we paying enough attention to other sexual crimes and problems, such as the laws pertaining to juvenile sex offenders and their victims? Could more be done to help and protect the perpetrators, victims and their families? It is my opinion that the laws pertaining to juvenile sex offenders need to be adjustedRead MoreJuvenile Sex Offenders Essay example2573 Words   |  11 PagesApproximately 20% of all people charged with a sexual offense are juveniles. Among adult sex offenders, almost 50% report that their first offense occurred during their adolescence. (FBI, 1993) There are many different opinions, treatment options and legislation to manage the growing numbers of juvenile sex offenders. In today’s society the psychological and behavioral modification treatments used to manage juvenile sex offenders is also a growing concern. To understand and determine the proposedRead MoreMandatory Incarceration For Chronic Juvenile Offenders1355 Words   |  6 Pagesresearching materials of mandatory incarceration for chronic juvenile offenders, I had to define ‘What is a chronic juvenile offender?’ It is a young individual who are chronic reoffenders that is arrested on average two years earlier than juvenile offender (age usually 11 or younger). â€Å"The threshold in chronic offending for number of arrests is five. Therefore, youth arrested for the sixth time are extremely likely to later become young chronic offenders. So the use of arrests seems to be more appropriateRead MoreFemale Juvenile Offenders And The Need For Programs2286 Words   |  10 Pages Female Juvenile Offenders and the Need for Programs Sarah Pepe Alvernia University â€Æ' Abstract A major issue in today’s society is female juvenile offenders and the lack of programs available to them. This sparks the great need for programs for them. Females differ greatly from males and require different programs due to the emotional and mental changes between the two. Different approaches and ways to cope as well as heal are required more for girls rather than highly structured and strict approachesRead MorePrison State Of Kentucky And Juvenile Offenders920 Words   |  4 PagesIn the film Prison State, the focus was on the juveniles in the state of Kentucky, specifically individuals living in the Beecher Terrace neighborhood. Beecher Terrace is a low-income area that the majority of detainees lived in. Because individuals grew up in poverty they were predisposed to other risk factors that increased their likelihood of becoming a juvenile delinquent and an adult offender later on in life. Two major issues in the state of Kentucky were the over-crowdedness in the pri sonsRead MoreEfficacy of Sexual Offender Treatment: Juvenile Sexual Offenders with Mental Health Diagnosis2450 Words   |  10 PagesEfficacy of Sexual Offender Treatment: Juvenile Sexual Offenders with Mental Health Diagnosis Lynetric Rivers Liberty University Abstract Juvenile sex offending has been on the rise over the past ten years. Juvenile sex offenders are best described between the ages of 12 and 17 years old. It has often been thought the percentage of sexual disorders in relation to juvenile sex offenders have been low. It is very possible they have simply been misdiagnosed. Dr. Fong describes hypersexual

Eye Opener The Mind And Body - 1478 Words

Samantha Benton Mitchell English 4 October 28 2015 Eye Opener: The Mind and Body High School can be a very strenuous time for teenagers. They can develop many different types of disorders. One type of disorder that is becoming very common in the everyday high school aged student are eating disorders. Even though some people believe it is normal to have an eating disorder, people should be aware of the different kind of eating disorders because it is easy to develop these kinds of illnesses and too many innocent teenagers are dying from these unhealthy life choices. There are different types of eating disorders but the most common are Anorexia Nervosa, Bulimia Nervosa, and Binge Eating. It is only human to wish to look differently or†¦show more content†¦The biggest challenge of this disorder is getting the person to recognize that they have an illness. â€Å"The first step in anorexia recovery is admitting that one’s relentless pursuit of thinness is out of control and acknowledging the physical and emotional damage that one has suffered because of it†(Anorexia Nervosa: Signs Symptoms, causes, and treatments). Binge eating often occurs among teenagers and young adults. Both girls and boys can have it. It is slightly less common then most known eating disorders, but it to can harm one’s health. Unlike Anorexia Nervosa, one does not purge or have excessive exercising habits. â€Å"Binge eating means eating large amounts of food, much more than one would need, in one sitting† (Goldberg, Binge eating disorders in Kids and Teens). This disorder normally goes hand in hand with depression. People who have this disorder use to food to cope with stress or any other negative emotions. Beating this mental battle is not about willpower. Recovery is not easy, but it is possible. â€Å"People with binge eating disorder have a greater risk of developing another psychiatric illness† (Binge Eating disorders: Facts on symptoms and treatments). Many people that have this disorder are embarrassed and ashamed of their eating habits, so they often try to hide and eat in secret. Binge eatin g disorder is a medical disease that can result in irreversible health

All About Architecturally Significant Requirements

Question: Give a brief discussion on these points-1. Architecturally Significant requirements2. Attributes of Architecturally Significant requirements3. Basic Architecture ideas Answer: 1. Architecturally Significant requirements The METOC anchor desk system is of great use in the process of information gathering and decision making, mainly used in crisis situations besides it can also be used in normal operations too. The architecture of METOC anchor desk system is not a new one as it was completely built from the pre-existing components, this system is a perfect instance of off-the-shelf system (Vangie Beal, COTS commercial off-the-shelf). As this system is developed from evolutionary development method the first and foremost architecture requirement is short time to initial demonstrable capability because as the system is developed through evolution, the prototype requires timely feedback of the users so that the developers can design the most appropriate and perfect system. As the process of developing this system is user centric, it requires thorough and quick capability increments from the earlier feedback given by the users. So the developers need to improve the productivity of the system at a faster pace. As this requirement is of high importance to the entire system it is considered as the next significant requirement towards the architecture of the system. Platform heterogeneity is the next architecturally significant requirement as there could be a huge community of users who could use different types of platforms to interact with the system, so it is important to make the system cross platform accessible to avoid incompatibility issues. The architecture of this system requires less maintenance as it is built from off-the-shelf components so the component parts would be maintained by the developers themselves. Much importance should be given to interchangeable parts as the main goal of building an architecture of any system is that the systems performance should be enhanced by adding to the existing thing without changing the architecture of the entire system, because the system should be adapted quickly to the technical as well as climatic evolution. As this system is used across the globe without limiting it to pacific theatres, geographical distribution is also involved in the architecturally significant requirements. The next architecturally significant requirement is interoperability, because the system should have the ability to interact and exchange information from other systems and LANS as well. (John Rhodes, MATGF Meteorological and oceanographic support) Over years weather reporting and forecasting capabilities have been developed so that the METOC system should be interoperable to interact with these legacy tools, decision aids and other anchor desks as well. These are the architecturally significant requirements of the METOC anchor desk system besides there is a set of operators like performance, reliability, safety, security, correctness, and availability and resource constraints. These operators arent prominent as they are not under direct control of the developer. 2. Attributes of Architecturally Significant requirements The METOC anchor desk system indeed contains some architecturally significant requirements which are required to build the architecture of the system. These ASRs have been discussed and documented in the previous solution. The key attributes and characteristics of these ASRs are presented in this document. Short time to initial demonstrable capability: The desired quality attributes in this ASR are quick timely response and incremental capability. As the system is developed based on evolution development method, it requires the attention and feedback of the users. So the initial prototypes are submitted to the users and based on their response and definition the prototype has been developed by the developers. Because of these characteristics I choose short time to initial demonstrable capability as one of the ASRs. Productivity: The important attribute of this ASR is incremental capability. It is must that both the users and developers should be actively engaged throughout the system development. So the developers need to focus on productivity of the system besides dealing with the feedback of the users. Only when there is a notable improvement in the system productivity based on users feedback then the users are actively involved. This is one of the key characteristic for choosing productivity as one of the ASRs. Platform heterogeneity: platform heterogeneity is of utmost importance as the system will be accessed by many users from various platforms so it is highly recommended to maintain the platform heterogeneity so that the system is capable of serving various types of users. For example different users may use different operating systems like UNIX, Macintosh, Windows, LINUX and many other to accesses the same application (METOC anchor desk system). So as there are various platforms it is advisable to develop software that can run effectively across any platform without incompatibility issues. This is the quality attribute of this ASR. Interchangeable parts: The main goal of building an architecture of any system is to protect it from severe changes from the future upgrades so that the main architecture remains same throughout times protecting its integrity. At the same time developments often happen in any discipline and the system need to be updated according to the new requirements. It shouldnt be too rigid or too flexible. So the focus remains on the interchangeable parts so that they can be exchanged with new ones with minimal change to the basic form of the system. As discussed earlier these systems are built from off-the-shelf components, so the system doesnt require much changes as the individual components can be maintained by their original developers. These are notable characteristics that made me to choose interchangeable parts as one of the ASR. Geographical distribution: The main goal of building the METOC anchor desk system is to use it during the crisis time besides carrying out the normal operations. And this system is primarily built for information gathering and decision aiding. So it requires that this system may be used across the globe to provide its services to mankind not only restricting it to the pacific theatres. So this is one of the quality attribute of this ASR. Interoperability: The main attribute in this ASR is the ability and capacity of the system to interact and exchange information with the other anchor desk systems which are situated across the globe. As technical advancements keep happening the system should be capable to interact with the legacy systems on the other hand it should also be capable of handling the newer ones. This is the characteristic which has high prominence as its services should be available to every part of the globe. 3. Basic Architecture ideas METOC anchor desk systems architecture is distributed and interconnected in nature which means the system is geographically distributed across the globe and interconnected to serve everyone. The design is concerned with the integration of architectural components such as computers, networks, video conferencing software, emulators, web browsers, collaboration and utility software. The basic architecture of METOC is to tie together these architectural components in a global network and to build an application useful during catastrophic and normal conditions. Here ORB (object request broker) approach has be taken to integrate various tools. To be more useful the system should be capable of interacting with legacy systems as well as the new ones. These architectural ideas support my desired quality attributes as for example platform heterogeneity can be achieved by using computes that include UNIX workstations and laptops which contains various platforms. The concept of interoperability can be achieved by using emulators for example if different anchor desk systems operate in different parts of the world with different softwares running on them. So usage of emulators can reduce the issue of incompatibility by simulating the different operating system in different platforms. For example an emulator can simulate a Macintosh in UNIX system thus reducing the issue of incompatibility. The network structure that has been used supports the ASR geographical distribution because it can connect various local area networks under any weather conditions thus providing an uninterrupted flow of communication. Also Web browsers permits users to easily access the information over network of computers. The browser contains information that can be linked to other webpages at a single mouse click. Also these browsers support wide variety of graphics. The METOC anchor desk system is primarily built not only to restrict to pacific theatres but also to be useful across the globe, these video conferencing software can also support geographical distribution by permitting the users to interact either through audio or video also it collaborates graphics and textual data. Other softwares like collaboration software which collaborates two or more users to collaborate over an application and also utility software support the ASR geographical distribution. In the METOC anchor desk system architecture the ORB acts as a middle layer to process the various software objects like environmental, data gathering, data analysis, data visualization and joint map servers as well. CORBA is a best example of this ORB (Nelson Weidman, Implications of distributed object technology for reengineering). These are the basic architecture ideas that support the desired quality attributes/characteristics. References Beal, V 2015, COTS commercial off-the-shelf, viewed 04th march 2016, https://www.webopedia.com/TERM/C/COTS.html Eeles, P 2005, capturing architectural requirements, viewed 04th march 2016, https://www.ibm.com/developerworks/rational/library/4706.html Microsoft, 2016, a technique for architecture and design, viewed 04th march 2016, https://msdn.microsoft.com/en-in/library/ee658084.aspx#Step1 Microsoft, 2016, what is software architecture and design, viewed 04th march 2016, https://msdn.microsoft.com/en-in/library/ee658084.aspx#Step1 Nelson, W 1997, Implications of distributed object technology for reengineering, viewed 04th march 2016, https://repository.cmu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1159context=sei Qiu, Y 2016, METOC (Mission essential meteorological and oceanographic centre), viewed 04th march 2016, https://www.slideshare.net/yuguangqiu/yuguang-qiu-csci-5010-project-3 Rhodes, J 1998, MATGF Meteorological and oceanographic support, viewed 07th march 2016, https://fas.org/spp/military/program/met/mcwp3357.pdf Safari, 2016, The big idea, viewed 04th march 2016, https://www.safaribooksonline.com/library/view/software-architecture-foundations/9780470167748/ch01.html Sanfoundry, 2011, The Meteorological anchor desk system, viewed 04th march 2016, https://www.sanfoundry.com/software-architecture-mcqs-meteorological-anchor-desk-system-case-study/ Software architecture notes, 2016, Architecture requirements Ilities, viewed 04th march 2016, https://www.softwarearchitecturenotes.com/architectureRequirements.html Steadly, R 1998, Operational Meteorology and Oceanography and network centric warfare: Implications for the joint force commander, viewed 04th march 2016, https://www.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a348418.pdf Togaf, 2006, ADM- Architecture requirements management, viewed 04th march 2016, https://pubs.opengroup.org/architecture/togaf8-doc/arch/chap15.html

Urban Pattern Essay Example

Urban Pattern Essay Settlements of any size and type can always be formally synthesized by their patterns, so it means pattern identify the settlements. Town houses in gridiron blocks, high-rise office structures, academic campuses, suburban estates, and highway retail sprawl are good examples. Urban form, then, is a result of the bringing together of many elements in a composite totality:the urban pattern. Patterns are the outstanding formal features of urban areas. A pattern can be defined as an elaboration of form that results from a composition of parts. Thus, patterns assume complex characteristics based on their formal elaboration; they also assume some degree of universality, since the total pattern can be represented by a sector. For example, an identifiable area in a city, or village can be best understood through a typical sector showing circulation, buildings, and open spaces; this typical sector ‘represents’ the formal characteristics found throughout the area and thus acquires some ‘universality. ’ Patterns have the potential of carrying powerful formal syntheses or visual codes over a geographic space. Formally, cities have a greater similarity to rugs and carpets than to other design products, with intricate motifs covering thier surfaces and various combinations of patterns complementing one another. Patterns are the physical expression of an underlying, continous formal system. Their visual essence lies in the complexity of a number of interrelated motifs, rather than in the total composition, since patterns are fragments or parts of a continuum and not totalities. We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Patterns can be conceptualized as models of field designs that can be extended over geographic space. They are reflecting the impact of a society on the earth, through the imposition of their cultural artifacts of shelter and movement. Clearly, urban patterns do change from one sector of a city to another, according to location in the city and time of development. The commercial high-rise pattern of down-town merges with the dense residential pattern of town houses-two patterns resulting from different land uses and accessibility at different locations. The tight pattern that originated in preautomobile times contrasts with the open pattern typical of the automobile era-two patterns resulting from two periods of development. In this way, an urban area is truly a tapestry of patterns, each corresponding to specific morphological factors-location, technology, culture, and so on. Furthermore, patterns tend not to reflect the will of a single designer, but rather composite wills-like the inherited wills involved in the traditional design of carpets or the pluralistic wills that have shaped so many human habitats. Indeed, patterns are true community forms. URBAN DUALITIES How is one to gain an initial formal understanding of urban patterns? Quite often, complex forms can first be grasped through the identification of their range of formal outcomes. Let us identify the ‘formal extremes’ that patterns can take, which we shall call dualities because they tend to appear as nominal opposites. Urban patterns, complex community forms that they are, can be conceptually understood through a series of dualities. The world is full of dualities. I have selected three dualities for examination here, not only for their descriptive duality, but because of their operational value for designers :unbuilt space versus built form, continuous events versus discrete events, and repetitive elements versus unique elements. Unbuilt space-built form duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns integrate built structures enclosing space for some use together with unbuilt areas used as open space or circulation. It provides the basic gestalt of urban areas, with figure-and-background images. Spatial concepts and definitions, environmental qualities, microclimate and health conditions, and other aspects of urban life can be thrown into relief by examining this relatively simple duality of unbuilt space versus built form. This dualit is related to the distinction between public and private realms in cities. Although most unbuilt space-open space and circulation-can be considered public, some open space can be private, as in institutional or residential courtyards. Also, enclosed space can be public or enjoy some sort of semipublic status, as in the case of churches, museums, department stores, and even street-covered arcades. Between enclosed buildings and open spaces there are many intermadiate possibilities: buildings lacking one wall, suh as Greek stoas; buildings with a roof supported by free standing columns, such as the arcades of Bologna; a space open to the sky and surrounded by walls, such as a stadium; a plaza with a few vertical elements, suh as San Marco. Continuous-discrete events duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns are made up of two quantitatively different kinds of elements: Some are interconnected and extend virtually over the whole area; others are discrete. This gometric difference is extended to implicit qualitative differences in the two types of events. The first can be characterized as continuous forms-networks-and the second as sets of discrete forms aggregated within or adjacent to the networks-infillings. Communities are structured by continuous networks within which an infill of discrete events takes place. The combination of networks and infillings results in a total pattern. Urban networks are identified primarily with transportation and other city infrastructures, which by nature must be continuous throughout the pattern. Streets, roads, avenues, boulevards, canals, highways, aqueducts, rail lines, and high-tension lines are all continuous networks that structure urban areas in one way or another, and in so doing they have more than just a utilitarian function; they become outstanding visual elements of the urban pattern. Buildings have occasion-ally played the same role, ranging from defensive walls in the Middle Ages to the megastructures of the 1960s. But in most cases, buildings, from cathedrals to houses, garages to skyscrapers, as well as most open space, are all infillings within the network structure, defining the three-dimensional architectural quality of a place. The interface areas between networks and infillings costitute the most alive zones of the man-made environment. Human beings are not truly participants in community life until they are on foot; the interface between transportation and networks infillings is the place where people shift from being passive riders to being active pedestrians. For this reason, the design of these interfaces-subway stations, but stops, train terminals, garages, sidewalks, and docks-is critical for the vitality of social and economic life in urban areas, as well as for their aesthetic expression. The dictinction between continuous and discrete events is not absolute, however. Size and scale may affect this distinction since what appears to be discrete on a metropolitan scale may seem continuous on a neighborhood scale. For example, rows of party-wall town houses, which are discrete elements on urban scale, can be seen as continuous events on an neighborhood scale. Repetetive-unique events duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns are made up largely of a limited number of relatively undifferentiated types of elements that repeat and combine. It implies that the image of a city can be created by the visual repetition of undifferentiated elements as well as by unique elements. Notre Dame de Paris is a powerful image and symbol for that city, but the repetetive elements of the city`s urban pattern-apartment buildings, hotels, and offices-represent it as much as does its unique cathedral. Repetetive elemets are the true urban form givers, sheltering the community`s activities and expressing its way of life and culture. Unique elements are the expresion of either a very specialized activity or, more likely, the apex and more symbolic layers of the community hierarchy. Human habitats and workplaces are repetetive elements, but temples, palaces, town halls, parliaments, universities, opera houses, and museums are unique and higly visible in each community. In preindustrial traditional societies, repetetive buildings such as dwellings vary according to regions, whereas unique buildings are universal. Repetetive buildings, although roughly the same within an urban area, tend to change drastically among regions and cultures; unique buildings, although special in their urban area, tend to repeat themselves across regions and even cultures. The wide regional variety of human dwelling types found in the cities, towns, and villages of Europe stands in contrast to the minor stylistic variations of similar unique buildings-for example, Gothic churches-that exist across the continient. The attachment of repetetive elements to land and local culture, which become regional expressions, as well as the universal character of unique elements, are critical to the understanding of community forms. Probably no other duality has been so misunderstood. To consider an obvious example, skyscrapers built in downtown areas for the purpose of housing the managerial activities of corporations often indulge the egocentric corporate identity. A corporate workplace is a repetetive building type making up the majority of downtown urban patterns; it is not meant to be unique. Whenever the design of skyscrapers becomes a competition among corporations, the result is pointless escalation, confusion, and the breakdown of the urban pattern. Combination of dualities Dualities represent ranges of formal outcomes in urban patterns, taken one parameter at a time. In reality, patterns synthesize the various dualities in a single form. The following are possible combinations and examples: Unbuilt space, continuos, repetetiveUrban streets Unbuilt space, continuous, uniqueIstiklal streetts Unbuilt space, discrete, repetetiveNeighborhood plazas Unbuilt space, discrete, uniquePiazza Ortakoy Built form, continuous, repetetiveArcades Built form, continuous, uniqueDefense walls Built form, discrete, repetetiveOffice buildings Built form, discrete, uniqueBlue Mosque PATTERN ANALYSIS Urban design has a long tradition of borrowing from the past, one of that continues today as neotraditional designers look nostalgically back to the towns as an alternative to conventional development. Breaking down the analysis into layers facilitates comparison on each dimension. The five layers are: 1-Built form: Showing the footprints of all structures and the resulting grain and pattern of development. 2-Land use: Patterns showing the location and density of housing, as well as retail, office, industrial, and civic activity. 3-Public open space: Including parks, plazas, walkways, and water bodies. 4-Circulation system: Including vehicular roads, alleys, parking lots, and bicycle and pedestrian paths. 5-Pedestrian access: Showing areas with one quarter and one half mile access from a central point in the development, such as a local community or shopping center. In addition to studying the form and pattern of the developments, the analysis examines the character of public streets and public spaces; adequecy of the transportation system and the accesibility of the development to jobs, services, recreation, and schools; livability for children, teens, and elderly; and market success. URBAN TYPOLOGIES Urban patterns are formed by repetetive elements within which unique elements occur. These patterns have strong similarities and can be grouped conceptually into what we call typologies. The many similarities among certain urban structures, facilities, and spaces suggest a ‘family resemblance’ among them. This family resemblance can be found among network elements such as streets and infill elements such as buildings, among unbuilt spaces such as plazas and built forms such as urban blocks, and even among unique buildings and spaces. Some typologies are universal, others are bounded by culture. In other words, all elements in urban patterns can be, to various degrees, typical. Some definitions are in order. ‘Type’ is defined as the general form, structure, or character distinguishing a particular kind, group, or class of objects. ‘Prototype’ and ‘archetype’ are practically interchangeable concepts, indicating the first or primary type of any thing. ‘Stereotype’ is defined as something continued or constantly repeated without change. The definition of ‘type’ is based on the recognition of the essence of an object as well as on the possibility of reproducing that essence in another object. The essence of a typology is made up of a combination of key characteristics of the elements in the typology, as well as by the range of variations that the elements can experience without losing their affiliation with the typology. I am talking deliberatily about essence and not standards, a type witout the of catalogue models. Thus, any and all specific designs of a type must be variations,options, and interpretations of that type, with perhaps a few of them being closer than the others to the ideal. Urban types sre basically types of spatial organizations in settlements. However, additional cultural factors introduce the aspect of style. Gridiron blocks with row houses, central plazas, and roadside developments are ubiquitous patterns, for instance, are typical of baroque urbanism. How do typologies come into being? The concept is simple: Built elements that face the same (or very similar) sets of requirements and constraints will, in end up generating one typology as the best solution to these conditions. It is possible to imagine more than one good solution, but since human behavior tends to follow early successes, the result is often that a single typology emerges as the dominant one. In the development of a typology, several periods can be distinguished. At a given point, socioeconomic, cultural, and technological conditions may all come together to foster a new typology. For example, the Industrial Revolution and the subsequent development of industrial corporations led to the creation of large pools of adminisrative personel working together in central cities served by streetcards and, later, subway systems. The introduction of iron and, eventually, steel structures, as well as the invention of the elevator, made it possible to build tight clusters of high-rise office buildings in central buildings. Later, the development of air- conditioning systems eliminated the constrains on the size of those buildings imposed by the need for natural ventilation. Common determinants that affect a typology include the physical urban structure, municipal services, zoning and codes, technology, financial and tax structures, alternative investments, cultural beliefs, microclimate, and many others. Specific project requirements that affect a typology include the program-which is itself biased by cultural beliefs-the organization of the development entity, land and construction costs, demand markets, soil conditions, competition, and others. Technology, economic systems, social instutions-in a word, culture-are the social factors that, together with natural factors (such as microclimate, soil, and bodies of water), shape the patterns of human settlements. Technology, especially since the nineteenth century, has had an increasingly important effect in the shaping of urban typologies, including the critical areas of urban transportation- public transit, commuter rail, buses, and trolleys, as well as private automobiles along with highways and parking garages-building structures, mechanical systems, vertical circulation, instant communications, and,most recently, information processing. But quite often, built types herald later technological advance; some of the first skyscrapers in Chicago were built with load-bearing masonry walls. Culture is the prime mover in the development of urban typologies. Technology, as one of the cultural components of society. The central city skyscraper, for example, is a product of both technology and a cultural trend that encourages certain patterns of social behavior and, ultimately, certain events. Tall office buildings exist, in part, because there is a pervasive trend toward concentrating greater economic power in fewer corporations, which cluster together with other financial institutions and use their headquarters to project a corporate image. Cultural factors have always affected urban typologies. In the Middle ages, the high cost of transportation, the uncertainty of life beyond defensive walls, growing trade opportunities within a feudalistic system, and the universal institution of the churc led to the generic mediaval urban typology. It was a tightly clustered pattern, with market place and trade streets, often two centers of power (political and religious), and social institutions such as a hospital, asylum, orphanage and school near the church. Culture, building program, and technology shape typologies. Often, old types built for some specific users can be successfully adapted to other users, indicating that programs and types are not locked in a one-to-one relationship; instead, programs determine types through cultural interpretations. The basilica of Hagia Sophia, built by Constantine to be the center of Eastern Orthodox Christianity, was taken by the Turks and immediately converted to the Mosque of Istanbul, after which all other Turkish mosques have been patterned. The basilicas, in turn, were adapted from a Roman type of legal court building by early Christians, who used them as temples. Are these cases of cultural lag or adaptation, of program or type flexibility, or something different? One of the main roles of typologies may be to shape cultural symbols. Both the Byzantines and the Turks needed impressive halls to exhibit the religious glory of their empires: Hagia Sophia, the most unique element in the pattern. One of the trends most damaging to environmental richness is the cultural homogenization of urban typologies in many areas of the world. This phenomenon is well known to travelers, who find that hotels built in recent decades do not reflect regional differences, so that one cannot tell whether one is in Cairo, New York, Singapore, or Mexico, unless one leaves the hotel. Technology, of course, makes possible large climate-controlled shells anywhere, but it is the cultural dependency of many Third World countries that bears a major responsibility for this environmental impoverishment. Typically, human habitas have been rooted in the land and the local culture. Universality was restricted to the apex of the community hierarchy. It is only now that we see repetetive elements such as office buildings being elevated to the status of the universal, betraying their transnational character. As already mentioned, some typologies are local, while others are universal. The wide difference in the residential typologies of human habitats indicates that local conditions impose heavy constraints on people: Microclimate, defense, construction materials, and topography account for the majority of the differences among habitat typologies. Climate and culture can be overcome by technology. Thus homogenity, with its by- products of anonymity, gigantism, and lack of meaning, pervades urban areas in many countries. Cultural homogenity is a result of the increasing absorption of the world in the markets of the industrialized countries –primarily the United States- and the reshaping of regions and local cultures to fit the needs of the world economic metropolis. This reshaping includes the manipulation of what is considered the ‘good life’ and thus the generation of ‘perceived needs’ by local markets (and cultures). Arround the world, the good life is seen as benefiting from the replacement of local goods with foreign ones, like collage of Coca Cola and hamburgers, blue jeans and permanent press, Chevrolets and highways, glass skyscrapers and suburban developments-the glutton`s paradise. Local production is eliminated, local lifestyles are forgotten. And in the process regions become ‘culturally addicted’ to expensive, and often wasteful, foreign technologies and capital. By focusing on the right combination of localism and universality, designers will be able to produce far more responsive designers and also to (re)create new urban typologies suitable to time and place. Urban Pattern Essay Example Urban Pattern Essay Settlements of any size and type can always be formally synthesized by their patterns, so it means pattern identify the settlements. Town houses in gridiron blocks, high-rise office structures, academic campuses, suburban estates, and highway retail sprawl are good examples. Urban form, then, is a result of the bringing together of many elements in a composite totality:the urban pattern. Patterns are the outstanding formal features of urban areas. A pattern can be defined as an elaboration of form that results from a composition of parts. Thus, patterns assume complex characteristics based on their formal elaboration; they also assume some degree of universality, since the total pattern can be represented by a sector. For example, an identifiable area in a city, or village can be best understood through a typical sector showing circulation, buildings, and open spaces; this typical sector ‘represents’ the formal characteristics found throughout the area and thus acquires some ‘universality. ’ Patterns have the potential of carrying powerful formal syntheses or visual codes over a geographic space. Formally, cities have a greater similarity to rugs and carpets than to other design products, with intricate motifs covering thier surfaces and various combinations of patterns complementing one another. Patterns are the physical expression of an underlying, continous formal system. Their visual essence lies in the complexity of a number of interrelated motifs, rather than in the total composition, since patterns are fragments or parts of a continuum and not totalities. We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Patterns can be conceptualized as models of field designs that can be extended over geographic space. They are reflecting the impact of a society on the earth, through the imposition of their cultural artifacts of shelter and movement. Clearly, urban patterns do change from one sector of a city to another, according to location in the city and time of development. The commercial high-rise pattern of down-town merges with the dense residential pattern of town houses-two patterns resulting from different land uses and accessibility at different locations. The tight pattern that originated in preautomobile times contrasts with the open pattern typical of the automobile era-two patterns resulting from two periods of development. In this way, an urban area is truly a tapestry of patterns, each corresponding to specific morphological factors-location, technology, culture, and so on. Furthermore, patterns tend not to reflect the will of a single designer, but rather composite wills-like the inherited wills involved in the traditional design of carpets or the pluralistic wills that have shaped so many human habitats. Indeed, patterns are true community forms. URBAN DUALITIES How is one to gain an initial formal understanding of urban patterns? Quite often, complex forms can first be grasped through the identification of their range of formal outcomes. Let us identify the ‘formal extremes’ that patterns can take, which we shall call dualities because they tend to appear as nominal opposites. Urban patterns, complex community forms that they are, can be conceptually understood through a series of dualities. The world is full of dualities. I have selected three dualities for examination here, not only for their descriptive duality, but because of their operational value for designers :unbuilt space versus built form, continuous events versus discrete events, and repetitive elements versus unique elements. Unbuilt space-built form duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns integrate built structures enclosing space for some use together with unbuilt areas used as open space or circulation. It provides the basic gestalt of urban areas, with figure-and-background images. Spatial concepts and definitions, environmental qualities, microclimate and health conditions, and other aspects of urban life can be thrown into relief by examining this relatively simple duality of unbuilt space versus built form. This dualit is related to the distinction between public and private realms in cities. Although most unbuilt space-open space and circulation-can be considered public, some open space can be private, as in institutional or residential courtyards. Also, enclosed space can be public or enjoy some sort of semipublic status, as in the case of churches, museums, department stores, and even street-covered arcades. Between enclosed buildings and open spaces there are many intermadiate possibilities: buildings lacking one wall, suh as Greek stoas; buildings with a roof supported by free standing columns, such as the arcades of Bologna; a space open to the sky and surrounded by walls, such as a stadium; a plaza with a few vertical elements, suh as San Marco. Continuous-discrete events duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns are made up of two quantitatively different kinds of elements: Some are interconnected and extend virtually over the whole area; others are discrete. This gometric difference is extended to implicit qualitative differences in the two types of events. The first can be characterized as continuous forms-networks-and the second as sets of discrete forms aggregated within or adjacent to the networks-infillings. Communities are structured by continuous networks within which an infill of discrete events takes place. The combination of networks and infillings results in a total pattern. Urban networks are identified primarily with transportation and other city infrastructures, which by nature must be continuous throughout the pattern. Streets, roads, avenues, boulevards, canals, highways, aqueducts, rail lines, and high-tension lines are all continuous networks that structure urban areas in one way or another, and in so doing they have more than just a utilitarian function; they become outstanding visual elements of the urban pattern. Buildings have occasion-ally played the same role, ranging from defensive walls in the Middle Ages to the megastructures of the 1960s. But in most cases, buildings, from cathedrals to houses, garages to skyscrapers, as well as most open space, are all infillings within the network structure, defining the three-dimensional architectural quality of a place. The interface areas between networks and infillings costitute the most alive zones of the man-made environment. Human beings are not truly participants in community life until they are on foot; the interface between transportation and networks infillings is the place where people shift from being passive riders to being active pedestrians. For this reason, the design of these interfaces-subway stations, but stops, train terminals, garages, sidewalks, and docks-is critical for the vitality of social and economic life in urban areas, as well as for their aesthetic expression. The dictinction between continuous and discrete events is not absolute, however. Size and scale may affect this distinction since what appears to be discrete on a metropolitan scale may seem continuous on a neighborhood scale. For example, rows of party-wall town houses, which are discrete elements on urban scale, can be seen as continuous events on an neighborhood scale. Repetetive-unique events duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns are made up largely of a limited number of relatively undifferentiated types of elements that repeat and combine. It implies that the image of a city can be created by the visual repetition of undifferentiated elements as well as by unique elements. Notre Dame de Paris is a powerful image and symbol for that city, but the repetetive elements of the city`s urban pattern-apartment buildings, hotels, and offices-represent it as much as does its unique cathedral. Repetetive elemets are the true urban form givers, sheltering the community`s activities and expressing its way of life and culture. Unique elements are the expresion of either a very specialized activity or, more likely, the apex and more symbolic layers of the community hierarchy. Human habitats and workplaces are repetetive elements, but temples, palaces, town halls, parliaments, universities, opera houses, and museums are unique and higly visible in each community. In preindustrial traditional societies, repetetive buildings such as dwellings vary according to regions, whereas unique buildings are universal. Repetetive buildings, although roughly the same within an urban area, tend to change drastically among regions and cultures; unique buildings, although special in their urban area, tend to repeat themselves across regions and even cultures. The wide regional variety of human dwelling types found in the cities, towns, and villages of Europe stands in contrast to the minor stylistic variations of similar unique buildings-for example, Gothic churches-that exist across the continient. The attachment of repetetive elements to land and local culture, which become regional expressions, as well as the universal character of unique elements, are critical to the understanding of community forms. Probably no other duality has been so misunderstood. To consider an obvious example, skyscrapers built in downtown areas for the purpose of housing the managerial activities of corporations often indulge the egocentric corporate identity. A corporate workplace is a repetetive building type making up the majority of downtown urban patterns; it is not meant to be unique. Whenever the design of skyscrapers becomes a competition among corporations, the result is pointless escalation, confusion, and the breakdown of the urban pattern. Combination of dualities Dualities represent ranges of formal outcomes in urban patterns, taken one parameter at a time. In reality, patterns synthesize the various dualities in a single form. The following are possible combinations and examples: Unbuilt space, continuos, repetetiveUrban streets Unbuilt space, continuous, uniqueIstiklal streetts Unbuilt space, discrete, repetetiveNeighborhood plazas Unbuilt space, discrete, uniquePiazza Ortakoy Built form, continuous, repetetiveArcades Built form, continuous, uniqueDefense walls Built form, discrete, repetetiveOffice buildings Built form, discrete, uniqueBlue Mosque PATTERN ANALYSIS Urban design has a long tradition of borrowing from the past, one of that continues today as neotraditional designers look nostalgically back to the towns as an alternative to conventional development. Breaking down the analysis into layers facilitates comparison on each dimension. The five layers are: 1-Built form: Showing the footprints of all structures and the resulting grain and pattern of development. 2-Land use: Patterns showing the location and density of housing, as well as retail, office, industrial, and civic activity. 3-Public open space: Including parks, plazas, walkways, and water bodies. 4-Circulation system: Including vehicular roads, alleys, parking lots, and bicycle and pedestrian paths. 5-Pedestrian access: Showing areas with one quarter and one half mile access from a central point in the development, such as a local community or shopping center. In addition to studying the form and pattern of the developments, the analysis examines the character of public streets and public spaces; adequecy of the transportation system and the accesibility of the development to jobs, services, recreation, and schools; livability for children, teens, and elderly; and market success. URBAN TYPOLOGIES Urban patterns are formed by repetetive elements within which unique elements occur. These patterns have strong similarities and can be grouped conceptually into what we call typologies. The many similarities among certain urban structures, facilities, and spaces suggest a ‘family resemblance’ among them. This family resemblance can be found among network elements such as streets and infill elements such as buildings, among unbuilt spaces such as plazas and built forms such as urban blocks, and even among unique buildings and spaces. Some typologies are universal, others are bounded by culture. In other words, all elements in urban patterns can be, to various degrees, typical. Some definitions are in order. ‘Type’ is defined as the general form, structure, or character distinguishing a particular kind, group, or class of objects. ‘Prototype’ and ‘archetype’ are practically interchangeable concepts, indicating the first or primary type of any thing. ‘Stereotype’ is defined as something continued or constantly repeated without change. The definition of ‘type’ is based on the recognition of the essence of an object as well as on the possibility of reproducing that essence in another object. The essence of a typology is made up of a combination of key characteristics of the elements in the typology, as well as by the range of variations that the elements can experience without losing their affiliation with the typology. I am talking deliberatily about essence and not standards, a type witout the of catalogue models. Thus, any and all specific designs of a type must be variations,options, and interpretations of that type, with perhaps a few of them being closer than the others to the ideal. Urban types sre basically types of spatial organizations in settlements. However, additional cultural factors introduce the aspect of style. Gridiron blocks with row houses, central plazas, and roadside developments are ubiquitous patterns, for instance, are typical of baroque urbanism. How do typologies come into being? The concept is simple: Built elements that face the same (or very similar) sets of requirements and constraints will, in end up generating one typology as the best solution to these conditions. It is possible to imagine more than one good solution, but since human behavior tends to follow early successes, the result is often that a single typology emerges as the dominant one. In the development of a typology, several periods can be distinguished. At a given point, socioeconomic, cultural, and technological conditions may all come together to foster a new typology. For example, the Industrial Revolution and the subsequent development of industrial corporations led to the creation of large pools of adminisrative personel working together in central cities served by streetcards and, later, subway systems. The introduction of iron and, eventually, steel structures, as well as the invention of the elevator, made it possible to build tight clusters of high-rise office buildings in central buildings. Later, the development of air- conditioning systems eliminated the constrains on the size of those buildings imposed by the need for natural ventilation. Common determinants that affect a typology include the physical urban structure, municipal services, zoning and codes, technology, financial and tax structures, alternative investments, cultural beliefs, microclimate, and many others. Specific project requirements that affect a typology include the program-which is itself biased by cultural beliefs-the organization of the development entity, land and construction costs, demand markets, soil conditions, competition, and others. Technology, economic systems, social instutions-in a word, culture-are the social factors that, together with natural factors (such as microclimate, soil, and bodies of water), shape the patterns of human settlements. Technology, especially since the nineteenth century, has had an increasingly important effect in the shaping of urban typologies, including the critical areas of urban transportation- public transit, commuter rail, buses, and trolleys, as well as private automobiles along with highways and parking garages-building structures, mechanical systems, vertical circulation, instant communications, and,most recently, information processing. But quite often, built types herald later technological advance; some of the first skyscrapers in Chicago were built with load-bearing masonry walls. Culture is the prime mover in the development of urban typologies. Technology, as one of the cultural components of society. The central city skyscraper, for example, is a product of both technology and a cultural trend that encourages certain patterns of social behavior and, ultimately, certain events. Tall office buildings exist, in part, because there is a pervasive trend toward concentrating greater economic power in fewer corporations, which cluster together with other financial institutions and use their headquarters to project a corporate image. Cultural factors have always affected urban typologies. In the Middle ages, the high cost of transportation, the uncertainty of life beyond defensive walls, growing trade opportunities within a feudalistic system, and the universal institution of the churc led to the generic mediaval urban typology. It was a tightly clustered pattern, with market place and trade streets, often two centers of power (political and religious), and social institutions such as a hospital, asylum, orphanage and school near the church. Culture, building program, and technology shape typologies. Often, old types built for some specific users can be successfully adapted to other users, indicating that programs and types are not locked in a one-to-one relationship; instead, programs determine types through cultural interpretations. The basilica of Hagia Sophia, built by Constantine to be the center of Eastern Orthodox Christianity, was taken by the Turks and immediately converted to the Mosque of Istanbul, after which all other Turkish mosques have been patterned. The basilicas, in turn, were adapted from a Roman type of legal court building by early Christians, who used them as temples. Are these cases of cultural lag or adaptation, of program or type flexibility, or something different? One of the main roles of typologies may be to shape cultural symbols. Both the Byzantines and the Turks needed impressive halls to exhibit the religious glory of their empires: Hagia Sophia, the most unique element in the pattern. One of the trends most damaging to environmental richness is the cultural homogenization of urban typologies in many areas of the world. This phenomenon is well known to travelers, who find that hotels built in recent decades do not reflect regional differences, so that one cannot tell whether one is in Cairo, New York, Singapore, or Mexico, unless one leaves the hotel. Technology, of course, makes possible large climate-controlled shells anywhere, but it is the cultural dependency of many Third World countries that bears a major responsibility for this environmental impoverishment. Typically, human habitas have been rooted in the land and the local culture. Universality was restricted to the apex of the community hierarchy. It is only now that we see repetetive elements such as office buildings being elevated to the status of the universal, betraying their transnational character. As already mentioned, some typologies are local, while others are universal. The wide difference in the residential typologies of human habitats indicates that local conditions impose heavy constraints on people: Microclimate, defense, construction materials, and topography account for the majority of the differences among habitat typologies. Climate and culture can be overcome by technology. Thus homogenity, with its by- products of anonymity, gigantism, and lack of meaning, pervades urban areas in many countries. Cultural homogenity is a result of the increasing absorption of the world in the markets of the industrialized countries –primarily the United States- and the reshaping of regions and local cultures to fit the needs of the world economic metropolis. This reshaping includes the manipulation of what is considered the ‘good life’ and thus the generation of ‘perceived needs’ by local markets (and cultures). Arround the world, the good life is seen as benefiting from the replacement of local goods with foreign ones, like collage of Coca Cola and hamburgers, blue jeans and permanent press, Chevrolets and highways, glass skyscrapers and suburban developments-the glutton`s paradise. Local production is eliminated, local lifestyles are forgotten. And in the process regions become ‘culturally addicted’ to expensive, and often wasteful, foreign technologies and capital. By focusing on the right combination of localism and universality, designers will be able to produce far more responsive designers and also to (re)create new urban typologies suitable to time and place.