Essay on Juvenile Offenders - 2518 Words

A youth say 13, boy or girl, acquires a gun and shoots another youth who has been harassing them. There is no doubt they should receive some sort of punishment for their actions. However, should they receive this punishment through the Juvenile Courts or Criminal Courts? This is the question, which has no real definitive answer. However, this paper will attempt to address some important issued concerning this matter. Studies have shown that juvenile crime was on the raise during the beginning of the 1990’s. During the late 1990’s and into the early part of the new century these crimes have fallen slightly. However, where these crimes the same type of crimes as juveniles committed before? No these crimes have become more violent in nature†¦show more content†¦If a child did something wrong it was legal for a father to take his life. Now as time went on things changed and so did life. Progress was moving forward and children advanced along with the rest of humani ty. This is evident today in that children today do things we could only dream of doing at their age. In considering this at what age, does a child show a difference between diminished responsibility and bad decision? Children today have advanced socially due to modern technology such as television, movies, and games. The time when a child killed someone but because he/she did not understand a gun with bullets can harm is no longer. Now they can still make a bad decision but at the same time adults make bad decisions and are held responsible so why not those children who do the same thing? Legislation in each state addressed this issue. The State of Arizona for example has no age limit for transferring a juvenile to criminal court. Arizona uses a variety of provisions in order to deal with juvenile crime. These include judicial wavier laws like discretionary and presumptive. In addition, procedures for dealing concurrent jurisdiction, statutory exclusion, reverse wavier and once an adult always an adult. The next part in dealing with age is the use of term delinquency as it pertains to juvenile crime. Before continuing, you must understand when dealing with juvenile crimes the term delinquency is a part of the actions involved. All juveniles who processShow MoreRelatedIs Juvenile Sex Offenders?1741 Words   |  7 PagesI. Juvenile Sex Offenders The focus of this paper is juvenile sex offenders. We believe that this population is in need of more intensive community-based services, especially for those who are registered as a Megan’s Law Offender and have to follow the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Process. Three case studies will be illustrated in order to demonstrate our motivation to pursue social justice for this population. In summer of 2015, I (Dalynet) sat on a courtroom witnessing how a CarlRead MoreJuvenile Sex Offenders6865 Words   |  28 PagesResearch Paper 2 Juvenile sex offenders are frequently treated in the same manner as their adult counterparts with regards to punishment and sex offender registering. â€Å"Nationally, juvenile sex offenders make up 20% of all individuals charged with sexual offenses (McGinnis, 2006).† Placing a sex offender label on a juvenile may unjustifiably put restrictions on his or her opportunities in adulthood so it is for this reason that cases involving juvenile sex offenders should be prosecuted cautiouslyRead MoreJuvenile Female Sex Offenders : Offender And Offence Characteristics933 Words   |  4 PagesWriting Assignment #1 CRIJ 2313-Dr.Koenigsberg 9/17/14 Juvenile Female Sex Offenders Wijkman, Miriam, Catrien Bijleveld, and Jan Hendriks. Juvenile Female Sex Offenders: Offender And Offence Characteristics. European Journal Of Criminology 11.1 (2013): 23-38. European Journal Of Criminology. Web. 14 Sept. 2014. http://euc.sagepub.com/content/11/1/23. For this critical paper I evaluated the article, Juvenile Female Sex Offenders: Offender And Offence Characteristics†. This article conforms toRead MoreBenefits Of Treatment For Juvenile Offenders1934 Words   |  8 Pages The Benefits of Treatment for Juvenile Offenders Tompkins, Patrice Texas State University The Benefits of Treatment for Juvenile Offenders The juvenile justice system is broken in the United States but Louisiana, among many other states, is focusing their efforts into treatment over the incarceration of juvenile offenders According to the New York Times (2015), Louisiana has become a juvenile justice reform leader. State and local leaders have been working hard to make dramaticRead MoreLaws of Juvenile Sexual Offenders Essay1690 Words   |  7 PagesJuvenile Sexual Offenders: Should the Laws Be Adjusted? In today’s society of internet sex crimes being broadcast on the evening news and 60 Minutes doing specials at least once a month. Are we paying enough attention to other sexual crimes and problems, such as the laws pertaining to juvenile sex offenders and their victims? Could more be done to help and protect the perpetrators, victims and their families? It is my opinion that the laws pertaining to juvenile sex offenders need to be adjustedRead MoreJuvenile Sex Offenders Essay example2573 Words   |  11 PagesApproximately 20% of all people charged with a sexual offense are juveniles. Among adult sex offenders, almost 50% report that their first offense occurred during their adolescence. (FBI, 1993) There are many different opinions, treatment options and legislation to manage the growing numbers of juvenile sex offenders. In today’s society the psychological and behavioral modification treatments used to manage juvenile sex offenders is also a growing concern. To understand and determine the proposedRead MoreMandatory Incarceration For Chronic Juvenile Offenders1355 Words   |  6 Pagesresearching materials of mandatory incarceration for chronic juvenile offenders, I had to define ‘What is a chronic juvenile offender?’ It is a young individual who are chronic reoffenders that is arrested on average two years earlier than juvenile offender (age usually 11 or younger). â€Å"The threshold in chronic offending for number of arrests is five. Therefore, youth arrested for the sixth time are extremely likely to later become young chronic offenders. So the use of arrests seems to be more appropriateRead MoreFemale Juvenile Offenders And The Need For Programs2286 Words   |  10 Pages Female Juvenile Offenders and the Need for Programs Sarah Pepe Alvernia University â€Æ' Abstract A major issue in today’s society is female juvenile offenders and the lack of programs available to them. This sparks the great need for programs for them. Females differ greatly from males and require different programs due to the emotional and mental changes between the two. Different approaches and ways to cope as well as heal are required more for girls rather than highly structured and strict approachesRead MorePrison State Of Kentucky And Juvenile Offenders920 Words   |  4 PagesIn the film Prison State, the focus was on the juveniles in the state of Kentucky, specifically individuals living in the Beecher Terrace neighborhood. Beecher Terrace is a low-income area that the majority of detainees lived in. Because individuals grew up in poverty they were predisposed to other risk factors that increased their likelihood of becoming a juvenile delinquent and an adult offender later on in life. Two major issues in the state of Kentucky were the over-crowdedness in the pri sonsRead MoreEfficacy of Sexual Offender Treatment: Juvenile Sexual Offenders with Mental Health Diagnosis2450 Words   |  10 PagesEfficacy of Sexual Offender Treatment: Juvenile Sexual Offenders with Mental Health Diagnosis Lynetric Rivers Liberty University Abstract Juvenile sex offending has been on the rise over the past ten years. Juvenile sex offenders are best described between the ages of 12 and 17 years old. It has often been thought the percentage of sexual disorders in relation to juvenile sex offenders have been low. It is very possible they have simply been misdiagnosed. Dr. Fong describes hypersexual

Eye Opener The Mind And Body - 1478 Words

Samantha Benton Mitchell English 4 October 28 2015 Eye Opener: The Mind and Body High School can be a very strenuous time for teenagers. They can develop many different types of disorders. One type of disorder that is becoming very common in the everyday high school aged student are eating disorders. Even though some people believe it is normal to have an eating disorder, people should be aware of the different kind of eating disorders because it is easy to develop these kinds of illnesses and too many innocent teenagers are dying from these unhealthy life choices. There are different types of eating disorders but the most common are Anorexia Nervosa, Bulimia Nervosa, and Binge Eating. It is only human to wish to look differently or†¦show more content†¦The biggest challenge of this disorder is getting the person to recognize that they have an illness. â€Å"The first step in anorexia recovery is admitting that one’s relentless pursuit of thinness is out of control and acknowledging the physical and emotional damage that one has suffered because of it†(Anorexia Nervosa: Signs Symptoms, causes, and treatments). Binge eating often occurs among teenagers and young adults. Both girls and boys can have it. It is slightly less common then most known eating disorders, but it to can harm one’s health. Unlike Anorexia Nervosa, one does not purge or have excessive exercising habits. â€Å"Binge eating means eating large amounts of food, much more than one would need, in one sitting† (Goldberg, Binge eating disorders in Kids and Teens). This disorder normally goes hand in hand with depression. People who have this disorder use to food to cope with stress or any other negative emotions. Beating this mental battle is not about willpower. Recovery is not easy, but it is possible. â€Å"People with binge eating disorder have a greater risk of developing another psychiatric illness† (Binge Eating disorders: Facts on symptoms and treatments). Many people that have this disorder are embarrassed and ashamed of their eating habits, so they often try to hide and eat in secret. Binge eatin g disorder is a medical disease that can result in irreversible health

All About Architecturally Significant Requirements

Question: Give a brief discussion on these points-1. Architecturally Significant requirements2. Attributes of Architecturally Significant requirements3. Basic Architecture ideas Answer: 1. Architecturally Significant requirements The METOC anchor desk system is of great use in the process of information gathering and decision making, mainly used in crisis situations besides it can also be used in normal operations too. The architecture of METOC anchor desk system is not a new one as it was completely built from the pre-existing components, this system is a perfect instance of off-the-shelf system (Vangie Beal, COTS commercial off-the-shelf). As this system is developed from evolutionary development method the first and foremost architecture requirement is short time to initial demonstrable capability because as the system is developed through evolution, the prototype requires timely feedback of the users so that the developers can design the most appropriate and perfect system. As the process of developing this system is user centric, it requires thorough and quick capability increments from the earlier feedback given by the users. So the developers need to improve the productivity of the system at a faster pace. As this requirement is of high importance to the entire system it is considered as the next significant requirement towards the architecture of the system. Platform heterogeneity is the next architecturally significant requirement as there could be a huge community of users who could use different types of platforms to interact with the system, so it is important to make the system cross platform accessible to avoid incompatibility issues. The architecture of this system requires less maintenance as it is built from off-the-shelf components so the component parts would be maintained by the developers themselves. Much importance should be given to interchangeable parts as the main goal of building an architecture of any system is that the systems performance should be enhanced by adding to the existing thing without changing the architecture of the entire system, because the system should be adapted quickly to the technical as well as climatic evolution. As this system is used across the globe without limiting it to pacific theatres, geographical distribution is also involved in the architecturally significant requirements. The next architecturally significant requirement is interoperability, because the system should have the ability to interact and exchange information from other systems and LANS as well. (John Rhodes, MATGF Meteorological and oceanographic support) Over years weather reporting and forecasting capabilities have been developed so that the METOC system should be interoperable to interact with these legacy tools, decision aids and other anchor desks as well. These are the architecturally significant requirements of the METOC anchor desk system besides there is a set of operators like performance, reliability, safety, security, correctness, and availability and resource constraints. These operators arent prominent as they are not under direct control of the developer. 2. Attributes of Architecturally Significant requirements The METOC anchor desk system indeed contains some architecturally significant requirements which are required to build the architecture of the system. These ASRs have been discussed and documented in the previous solution. The key attributes and characteristics of these ASRs are presented in this document. Short time to initial demonstrable capability: The desired quality attributes in this ASR are quick timely response and incremental capability. As the system is developed based on evolution development method, it requires the attention and feedback of the users. So the initial prototypes are submitted to the users and based on their response and definition the prototype has been developed by the developers. Because of these characteristics I choose short time to initial demonstrable capability as one of the ASRs. Productivity: The important attribute of this ASR is incremental capability. It is must that both the users and developers should be actively engaged throughout the system development. So the developers need to focus on productivity of the system besides dealing with the feedback of the users. Only when there is a notable improvement in the system productivity based on users feedback then the users are actively involved. This is one of the key characteristic for choosing productivity as one of the ASRs. Platform heterogeneity: platform heterogeneity is of utmost importance as the system will be accessed by many users from various platforms so it is highly recommended to maintain the platform heterogeneity so that the system is capable of serving various types of users. For example different users may use different operating systems like UNIX, Macintosh, Windows, LINUX and many other to accesses the same application (METOC anchor desk system). So as there are various platforms it is advisable to develop software that can run effectively across any platform without incompatibility issues. This is the quality attribute of this ASR. Interchangeable parts: The main goal of building an architecture of any system is to protect it from severe changes from the future upgrades so that the main architecture remains same throughout times protecting its integrity. At the same time developments often happen in any discipline and the system need to be updated according to the new requirements. It shouldnt be too rigid or too flexible. So the focus remains on the interchangeable parts so that they can be exchanged with new ones with minimal change to the basic form of the system. As discussed earlier these systems are built from off-the-shelf components, so the system doesnt require much changes as the individual components can be maintained by their original developers. These are notable characteristics that made me to choose interchangeable parts as one of the ASR. Geographical distribution: The main goal of building the METOC anchor desk system is to use it during the crisis time besides carrying out the normal operations. And this system is primarily built for information gathering and decision aiding. So it requires that this system may be used across the globe to provide its services to mankind not only restricting it to the pacific theatres. So this is one of the quality attribute of this ASR. Interoperability: The main attribute in this ASR is the ability and capacity of the system to interact and exchange information with the other anchor desk systems which are situated across the globe. As technical advancements keep happening the system should be capable to interact with the legacy systems on the other hand it should also be capable of handling the newer ones. This is the characteristic which has high prominence as its services should be available to every part of the globe. 3. Basic Architecture ideas METOC anchor desk systems architecture is distributed and interconnected in nature which means the system is geographically distributed across the globe and interconnected to serve everyone. The design is concerned with the integration of architectural components such as computers, networks, video conferencing software, emulators, web browsers, collaboration and utility software. The basic architecture of METOC is to tie together these architectural components in a global network and to build an application useful during catastrophic and normal conditions. Here ORB (object request broker) approach has be taken to integrate various tools. To be more useful the system should be capable of interacting with legacy systems as well as the new ones. These architectural ideas support my desired quality attributes as for example platform heterogeneity can be achieved by using computes that include UNIX workstations and laptops which contains various platforms. The concept of interoperability can be achieved by using emulators for example if different anchor desk systems operate in different parts of the world with different softwares running on them. So usage of emulators can reduce the issue of incompatibility by simulating the different operating system in different platforms. For example an emulator can simulate a Macintosh in UNIX system thus reducing the issue of incompatibility. The network structure that has been used supports the ASR geographical distribution because it can connect various local area networks under any weather conditions thus providing an uninterrupted flow of communication. Also Web browsers permits users to easily access the information over network of computers. The browser contains information that can be linked to other webpages at a single mouse click. Also these browsers support wide variety of graphics. The METOC anchor desk system is primarily built not only to restrict to pacific theatres but also to be useful across the globe, these video conferencing software can also support geographical distribution by permitting the users to interact either through audio or video also it collaborates graphics and textual data. Other softwares like collaboration software which collaborates two or more users to collaborate over an application and also utility software support the ASR geographical distribution. In the METOC anchor desk system architecture the ORB acts as a middle layer to process the various software objects like environmental, data gathering, data analysis, data visualization and joint map servers as well. CORBA is a best example of this ORB (Nelson Weidman, Implications of distributed object technology for reengineering). These are the basic architecture ideas that support the desired quality attributes/characteristics. References Beal, V 2015, COTS commercial off-the-shelf, viewed 04th march 2016, https://www.webopedia.com/TERM/C/COTS.html Eeles, P 2005, capturing architectural requirements, viewed 04th march 2016, https://www.ibm.com/developerworks/rational/library/4706.html Microsoft, 2016, a technique for architecture and design, viewed 04th march 2016, https://msdn.microsoft.com/en-in/library/ee658084.aspx#Step1 Microsoft, 2016, what is software architecture and design, viewed 04th march 2016, https://msdn.microsoft.com/en-in/library/ee658084.aspx#Step1 Nelson, W 1997, Implications of distributed object technology for reengineering, viewed 04th march 2016, https://repository.cmu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1159context=sei Qiu, Y 2016, METOC (Mission essential meteorological and oceanographic centre), viewed 04th march 2016, https://www.slideshare.net/yuguangqiu/yuguang-qiu-csci-5010-project-3 Rhodes, J 1998, MATGF Meteorological and oceanographic support, viewed 07th march 2016, https://fas.org/spp/military/program/met/mcwp3357.pdf Safari, 2016, The big idea, viewed 04th march 2016, https://www.safaribooksonline.com/library/view/software-architecture-foundations/9780470167748/ch01.html Sanfoundry, 2011, The Meteorological anchor desk system, viewed 04th march 2016, https://www.sanfoundry.com/software-architecture-mcqs-meteorological-anchor-desk-system-case-study/ Software architecture notes, 2016, Architecture requirements Ilities, viewed 04th march 2016, https://www.softwarearchitecturenotes.com/architectureRequirements.html Steadly, R 1998, Operational Meteorology and Oceanography and network centric warfare: Implications for the joint force commander, viewed 04th march 2016, https://www.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a348418.pdf Togaf, 2006, ADM- Architecture requirements management, viewed 04th march 2016, https://pubs.opengroup.org/architecture/togaf8-doc/arch/chap15.html

Urban Pattern Essay Example

Urban Pattern Essay Settlements of any size and type can always be formally synthesized by their patterns, so it means pattern identify the settlements. Town houses in gridiron blocks, high-rise office structures, academic campuses, suburban estates, and highway retail sprawl are good examples. Urban form, then, is a result of the bringing together of many elements in a composite totality:the urban pattern. Patterns are the outstanding formal features of urban areas. A pattern can be defined as an elaboration of form that results from a composition of parts. Thus, patterns assume complex characteristics based on their formal elaboration; they also assume some degree of universality, since the total pattern can be represented by a sector. For example, an identifiable area in a city, or village can be best understood through a typical sector showing circulation, buildings, and open spaces; this typical sector ‘represents’ the formal characteristics found throughout the area and thus acquires some ‘universality. ’ Patterns have the potential of carrying powerful formal syntheses or visual codes over a geographic space. Formally, cities have a greater similarity to rugs and carpets than to other design products, with intricate motifs covering thier surfaces and various combinations of patterns complementing one another. Patterns are the physical expression of an underlying, continous formal system. Their visual essence lies in the complexity of a number of interrelated motifs, rather than in the total composition, since patterns are fragments or parts of a continuum and not totalities. We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Patterns can be conceptualized as models of field designs that can be extended over geographic space. They are reflecting the impact of a society on the earth, through the imposition of their cultural artifacts of shelter and movement. Clearly, urban patterns do change from one sector of a city to another, according to location in the city and time of development. The commercial high-rise pattern of down-town merges with the dense residential pattern of town houses-two patterns resulting from different land uses and accessibility at different locations. The tight pattern that originated in preautomobile times contrasts with the open pattern typical of the automobile era-two patterns resulting from two periods of development. In this way, an urban area is truly a tapestry of patterns, each corresponding to specific morphological factors-location, technology, culture, and so on. Furthermore, patterns tend not to reflect the will of a single designer, but rather composite wills-like the inherited wills involved in the traditional design of carpets or the pluralistic wills that have shaped so many human habitats. Indeed, patterns are true community forms. URBAN DUALITIES How is one to gain an initial formal understanding of urban patterns? Quite often, complex forms can first be grasped through the identification of their range of formal outcomes. Let us identify the ‘formal extremes’ that patterns can take, which we shall call dualities because they tend to appear as nominal opposites. Urban patterns, complex community forms that they are, can be conceptually understood through a series of dualities. The world is full of dualities. I have selected three dualities for examination here, not only for their descriptive duality, but because of their operational value for designers :unbuilt space versus built form, continuous events versus discrete events, and repetitive elements versus unique elements. Unbuilt space-built form duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns integrate built structures enclosing space for some use together with unbuilt areas used as open space or circulation. It provides the basic gestalt of urban areas, with figure-and-background images. Spatial concepts and definitions, environmental qualities, microclimate and health conditions, and other aspects of urban life can be thrown into relief by examining this relatively simple duality of unbuilt space versus built form. This dualit is related to the distinction between public and private realms in cities. Although most unbuilt space-open space and circulation-can be considered public, some open space can be private, as in institutional or residential courtyards. Also, enclosed space can be public or enjoy some sort of semipublic status, as in the case of churches, museums, department stores, and even street-covered arcades. Between enclosed buildings and open spaces there are many intermadiate possibilities: buildings lacking one wall, suh as Greek stoas; buildings with a roof supported by free standing columns, such as the arcades of Bologna; a space open to the sky and surrounded by walls, such as a stadium; a plaza with a few vertical elements, suh as San Marco. Continuous-discrete events duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns are made up of two quantitatively different kinds of elements: Some are interconnected and extend virtually over the whole area; others are discrete. This gometric difference is extended to implicit qualitative differences in the two types of events. The first can be characterized as continuous forms-networks-and the second as sets of discrete forms aggregated within or adjacent to the networks-infillings. Communities are structured by continuous networks within which an infill of discrete events takes place. The combination of networks and infillings results in a total pattern. Urban networks are identified primarily with transportation and other city infrastructures, which by nature must be continuous throughout the pattern. Streets, roads, avenues, boulevards, canals, highways, aqueducts, rail lines, and high-tension lines are all continuous networks that structure urban areas in one way or another, and in so doing they have more than just a utilitarian function; they become outstanding visual elements of the urban pattern. Buildings have occasion-ally played the same role, ranging from defensive walls in the Middle Ages to the megastructures of the 1960s. But in most cases, buildings, from cathedrals to houses, garages to skyscrapers, as well as most open space, are all infillings within the network structure, defining the three-dimensional architectural quality of a place. The interface areas between networks and infillings costitute the most alive zones of the man-made environment. Human beings are not truly participants in community life until they are on foot; the interface between transportation and networks infillings is the place where people shift from being passive riders to being active pedestrians. For this reason, the design of these interfaces-subway stations, but stops, train terminals, garages, sidewalks, and docks-is critical for the vitality of social and economic life in urban areas, as well as for their aesthetic expression. The dictinction between continuous and discrete events is not absolute, however. Size and scale may affect this distinction since what appears to be discrete on a metropolitan scale may seem continuous on a neighborhood scale. For example, rows of party-wall town houses, which are discrete elements on urban scale, can be seen as continuous events on an neighborhood scale. Repetetive-unique events duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns are made up largely of a limited number of relatively undifferentiated types of elements that repeat and combine. It implies that the image of a city can be created by the visual repetition of undifferentiated elements as well as by unique elements. Notre Dame de Paris is a powerful image and symbol for that city, but the repetetive elements of the city`s urban pattern-apartment buildings, hotels, and offices-represent it as much as does its unique cathedral. Repetetive elemets are the true urban form givers, sheltering the community`s activities and expressing its way of life and culture. Unique elements are the expresion of either a very specialized activity or, more likely, the apex and more symbolic layers of the community hierarchy. Human habitats and workplaces are repetetive elements, but temples, palaces, town halls, parliaments, universities, opera houses, and museums are unique and higly visible in each community. In preindustrial traditional societies, repetetive buildings such as dwellings vary according to regions, whereas unique buildings are universal. Repetetive buildings, although roughly the same within an urban area, tend to change drastically among regions and cultures; unique buildings, although special in their urban area, tend to repeat themselves across regions and even cultures. The wide regional variety of human dwelling types found in the cities, towns, and villages of Europe stands in contrast to the minor stylistic variations of similar unique buildings-for example, Gothic churches-that exist across the continient. The attachment of repetetive elements to land and local culture, which become regional expressions, as well as the universal character of unique elements, are critical to the understanding of community forms. Probably no other duality has been so misunderstood. To consider an obvious example, skyscrapers built in downtown areas for the purpose of housing the managerial activities of corporations often indulge the egocentric corporate identity. A corporate workplace is a repetetive building type making up the majority of downtown urban patterns; it is not meant to be unique. Whenever the design of skyscrapers becomes a competition among corporations, the result is pointless escalation, confusion, and the breakdown of the urban pattern. Combination of dualities Dualities represent ranges of formal outcomes in urban patterns, taken one parameter at a time. In reality, patterns synthesize the various dualities in a single form. The following are possible combinations and examples: Unbuilt space, continuos, repetetiveUrban streets Unbuilt space, continuous, uniqueIstiklal streetts Unbuilt space, discrete, repetetiveNeighborhood plazas Unbuilt space, discrete, uniquePiazza Ortakoy Built form, continuous, repetetiveArcades Built form, continuous, uniqueDefense walls Built form, discrete, repetetiveOffice buildings Built form, discrete, uniqueBlue Mosque PATTERN ANALYSIS Urban design has a long tradition of borrowing from the past, one of that continues today as neotraditional designers look nostalgically back to the towns as an alternative to conventional development. Breaking down the analysis into layers facilitates comparison on each dimension. The five layers are: 1-Built form: Showing the footprints of all structures and the resulting grain and pattern of development. 2-Land use: Patterns showing the location and density of housing, as well as retail, office, industrial, and civic activity. 3-Public open space: Including parks, plazas, walkways, and water bodies. 4-Circulation system: Including vehicular roads, alleys, parking lots, and bicycle and pedestrian paths. 5-Pedestrian access: Showing areas with one quarter and one half mile access from a central point in the development, such as a local community or shopping center. In addition to studying the form and pattern of the developments, the analysis examines the character of public streets and public spaces; adequecy of the transportation system and the accesibility of the development to jobs, services, recreation, and schools; livability for children, teens, and elderly; and market success. URBAN TYPOLOGIES Urban patterns are formed by repetetive elements within which unique elements occur. These patterns have strong similarities and can be grouped conceptually into what we call typologies. The many similarities among certain urban structures, facilities, and spaces suggest a ‘family resemblance’ among them. This family resemblance can be found among network elements such as streets and infill elements such as buildings, among unbuilt spaces such as plazas and built forms such as urban blocks, and even among unique buildings and spaces. Some typologies are universal, others are bounded by culture. In other words, all elements in urban patterns can be, to various degrees, typical. Some definitions are in order. ‘Type’ is defined as the general form, structure, or character distinguishing a particular kind, group, or class of objects. ‘Prototype’ and ‘archetype’ are practically interchangeable concepts, indicating the first or primary type of any thing. ‘Stereotype’ is defined as something continued or constantly repeated without change. The definition of ‘type’ is based on the recognition of the essence of an object as well as on the possibility of reproducing that essence in another object. The essence of a typology is made up of a combination of key characteristics of the elements in the typology, as well as by the range of variations that the elements can experience without losing their affiliation with the typology. I am talking deliberatily about essence and not standards, a type witout the of catalogue models. Thus, any and all specific designs of a type must be variations,options, and interpretations of that type, with perhaps a few of them being closer than the others to the ideal. Urban types sre basically types of spatial organizations in settlements. However, additional cultural factors introduce the aspect of style. Gridiron blocks with row houses, central plazas, and roadside developments are ubiquitous patterns, for instance, are typical of baroque urbanism. How do typologies come into being? The concept is simple: Built elements that face the same (or very similar) sets of requirements and constraints will, in end up generating one typology as the best solution to these conditions. It is possible to imagine more than one good solution, but since human behavior tends to follow early successes, the result is often that a single typology emerges as the dominant one. In the development of a typology, several periods can be distinguished. At a given point, socioeconomic, cultural, and technological conditions may all come together to foster a new typology. For example, the Industrial Revolution and the subsequent development of industrial corporations led to the creation of large pools of adminisrative personel working together in central cities served by streetcards and, later, subway systems. The introduction of iron and, eventually, steel structures, as well as the invention of the elevator, made it possible to build tight clusters of high-rise office buildings in central buildings. Later, the development of air- conditioning systems eliminated the constrains on the size of those buildings imposed by the need for natural ventilation. Common determinants that affect a typology include the physical urban structure, municipal services, zoning and codes, technology, financial and tax structures, alternative investments, cultural beliefs, microclimate, and many others. Specific project requirements that affect a typology include the program-which is itself biased by cultural beliefs-the organization of the development entity, land and construction costs, demand markets, soil conditions, competition, and others. Technology, economic systems, social instutions-in a word, culture-are the social factors that, together with natural factors (such as microclimate, soil, and bodies of water), shape the patterns of human settlements. Technology, especially since the nineteenth century, has had an increasingly important effect in the shaping of urban typologies, including the critical areas of urban transportation- public transit, commuter rail, buses, and trolleys, as well as private automobiles along with highways and parking garages-building structures, mechanical systems, vertical circulation, instant communications, and,most recently, information processing. But quite often, built types herald later technological advance; some of the first skyscrapers in Chicago were built with load-bearing masonry walls. Culture is the prime mover in the development of urban typologies. Technology, as one of the cultural components of society. The central city skyscraper, for example, is a product of both technology and a cultural trend that encourages certain patterns of social behavior and, ultimately, certain events. Tall office buildings exist, in part, because there is a pervasive trend toward concentrating greater economic power in fewer corporations, which cluster together with other financial institutions and use their headquarters to project a corporate image. Cultural factors have always affected urban typologies. In the Middle ages, the high cost of transportation, the uncertainty of life beyond defensive walls, growing trade opportunities within a feudalistic system, and the universal institution of the churc led to the generic mediaval urban typology. It was a tightly clustered pattern, with market place and trade streets, often two centers of power (political and religious), and social institutions such as a hospital, asylum, orphanage and school near the church. Culture, building program, and technology shape typologies. Often, old types built for some specific users can be successfully adapted to other users, indicating that programs and types are not locked in a one-to-one relationship; instead, programs determine types through cultural interpretations. The basilica of Hagia Sophia, built by Constantine to be the center of Eastern Orthodox Christianity, was taken by the Turks and immediately converted to the Mosque of Istanbul, after which all other Turkish mosques have been patterned. The basilicas, in turn, were adapted from a Roman type of legal court building by early Christians, who used them as temples. Are these cases of cultural lag or adaptation, of program or type flexibility, or something different? One of the main roles of typologies may be to shape cultural symbols. Both the Byzantines and the Turks needed impressive halls to exhibit the religious glory of their empires: Hagia Sophia, the most unique element in the pattern. One of the trends most damaging to environmental richness is the cultural homogenization of urban typologies in many areas of the world. This phenomenon is well known to travelers, who find that hotels built in recent decades do not reflect regional differences, so that one cannot tell whether one is in Cairo, New York, Singapore, or Mexico, unless one leaves the hotel. Technology, of course, makes possible large climate-controlled shells anywhere, but it is the cultural dependency of many Third World countries that bears a major responsibility for this environmental impoverishment. Typically, human habitas have been rooted in the land and the local culture. Universality was restricted to the apex of the community hierarchy. It is only now that we see repetetive elements such as office buildings being elevated to the status of the universal, betraying their transnational character. As already mentioned, some typologies are local, while others are universal. The wide difference in the residential typologies of human habitats indicates that local conditions impose heavy constraints on people: Microclimate, defense, construction materials, and topography account for the majority of the differences among habitat typologies. Climate and culture can be overcome by technology. Thus homogenity, with its by- products of anonymity, gigantism, and lack of meaning, pervades urban areas in many countries. Cultural homogenity is a result of the increasing absorption of the world in the markets of the industrialized countries –primarily the United States- and the reshaping of regions and local cultures to fit the needs of the world economic metropolis. This reshaping includes the manipulation of what is considered the ‘good life’ and thus the generation of ‘perceived needs’ by local markets (and cultures). Arround the world, the good life is seen as benefiting from the replacement of local goods with foreign ones, like collage of Coca Cola and hamburgers, blue jeans and permanent press, Chevrolets and highways, glass skyscrapers and suburban developments-the glutton`s paradise. Local production is eliminated, local lifestyles are forgotten. And in the process regions become ‘culturally addicted’ to expensive, and often wasteful, foreign technologies and capital. By focusing on the right combination of localism and universality, designers will be able to produce far more responsive designers and also to (re)create new urban typologies suitable to time and place. Urban Pattern Essay Example Urban Pattern Essay Settlements of any size and type can always be formally synthesized by their patterns, so it means pattern identify the settlements. Town houses in gridiron blocks, high-rise office structures, academic campuses, suburban estates, and highway retail sprawl are good examples. Urban form, then, is a result of the bringing together of many elements in a composite totality:the urban pattern. Patterns are the outstanding formal features of urban areas. A pattern can be defined as an elaboration of form that results from a composition of parts. Thus, patterns assume complex characteristics based on their formal elaboration; they also assume some degree of universality, since the total pattern can be represented by a sector. For example, an identifiable area in a city, or village can be best understood through a typical sector showing circulation, buildings, and open spaces; this typical sector ‘represents’ the formal characteristics found throughout the area and thus acquires some ‘universality. ’ Patterns have the potential of carrying powerful formal syntheses or visual codes over a geographic space. Formally, cities have a greater similarity to rugs and carpets than to other design products, with intricate motifs covering thier surfaces and various combinations of patterns complementing one another. Patterns are the physical expression of an underlying, continous formal system. Their visual essence lies in the complexity of a number of interrelated motifs, rather than in the total composition, since patterns are fragments or parts of a continuum and not totalities. We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Patterns can be conceptualized as models of field designs that can be extended over geographic space. They are reflecting the impact of a society on the earth, through the imposition of their cultural artifacts of shelter and movement. Clearly, urban patterns do change from one sector of a city to another, according to location in the city and time of development. The commercial high-rise pattern of down-town merges with the dense residential pattern of town houses-two patterns resulting from different land uses and accessibility at different locations. The tight pattern that originated in preautomobile times contrasts with the open pattern typical of the automobile era-two patterns resulting from two periods of development. In this way, an urban area is truly a tapestry of patterns, each corresponding to specific morphological factors-location, technology, culture, and so on. Furthermore, patterns tend not to reflect the will of a single designer, but rather composite wills-like the inherited wills involved in the traditional design of carpets or the pluralistic wills that have shaped so many human habitats. Indeed, patterns are true community forms. URBAN DUALITIES How is one to gain an initial formal understanding of urban patterns? Quite often, complex forms can first be grasped through the identification of their range of formal outcomes. Let us identify the ‘formal extremes’ that patterns can take, which we shall call dualities because they tend to appear as nominal opposites. Urban patterns, complex community forms that they are, can be conceptually understood through a series of dualities. The world is full of dualities. I have selected three dualities for examination here, not only for their descriptive duality, but because of their operational value for designers :unbuilt space versus built form, continuous events versus discrete events, and repetitive elements versus unique elements. Unbuilt space-built form duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns integrate built structures enclosing space for some use together with unbuilt areas used as open space or circulation. It provides the basic gestalt of urban areas, with figure-and-background images. Spatial concepts and definitions, environmental qualities, microclimate and health conditions, and other aspects of urban life can be thrown into relief by examining this relatively simple duality of unbuilt space versus built form. This dualit is related to the distinction between public and private realms in cities. Although most unbuilt space-open space and circulation-can be considered public, some open space can be private, as in institutional or residential courtyards. Also, enclosed space can be public or enjoy some sort of semipublic status, as in the case of churches, museums, department stores, and even street-covered arcades. Between enclosed buildings and open spaces there are many intermadiate possibilities: buildings lacking one wall, suh as Greek stoas; buildings with a roof supported by free standing columns, such as the arcades of Bologna; a space open to the sky and surrounded by walls, such as a stadium; a plaza with a few vertical elements, suh as San Marco. Continuous-discrete events duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns are made up of two quantitatively different kinds of elements: Some are interconnected and extend virtually over the whole area; others are discrete. This gometric difference is extended to implicit qualitative differences in the two types of events. The first can be characterized as continuous forms-networks-and the second as sets of discrete forms aggregated within or adjacent to the networks-infillings. Communities are structured by continuous networks within which an infill of discrete events takes place. The combination of networks and infillings results in a total pattern. Urban networks are identified primarily with transportation and other city infrastructures, which by nature must be continuous throughout the pattern. Streets, roads, avenues, boulevards, canals, highways, aqueducts, rail lines, and high-tension lines are all continuous networks that structure urban areas in one way or another, and in so doing they have more than just a utilitarian function; they become outstanding visual elements of the urban pattern. Buildings have occasion-ally played the same role, ranging from defensive walls in the Middle Ages to the megastructures of the 1960s. But in most cases, buildings, from cathedrals to houses, garages to skyscrapers, as well as most open space, are all infillings within the network structure, defining the three-dimensional architectural quality of a place. The interface areas between networks and infillings costitute the most alive zones of the man-made environment. Human beings are not truly participants in community life until they are on foot; the interface between transportation and networks infillings is the place where people shift from being passive riders to being active pedestrians. For this reason, the design of these interfaces-subway stations, but stops, train terminals, garages, sidewalks, and docks-is critical for the vitality of social and economic life in urban areas, as well as for their aesthetic expression. The dictinction between continuous and discrete events is not absolute, however. Size and scale may affect this distinction since what appears to be discrete on a metropolitan scale may seem continuous on a neighborhood scale. For example, rows of party-wall town houses, which are discrete elements on urban scale, can be seen as continuous events on an neighborhood scale. Repetetive-unique events duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns are made up largely of a limited number of relatively undifferentiated types of elements that repeat and combine. It implies that the image of a city can be created by the visual repetition of undifferentiated elements as well as by unique elements. Notre Dame de Paris is a powerful image and symbol for that city, but the repetetive elements of the city`s urban pattern-apartment buildings, hotels, and offices-represent it as much as does its unique cathedral. Repetetive elemets are the true urban form givers, sheltering the community`s activities and expressing its way of life and culture. Unique elements are the expresion of either a very specialized activity or, more likely, the apex and more symbolic layers of the community hierarchy. Human habitats and workplaces are repetetive elements, but temples, palaces, town halls, parliaments, universities, opera houses, and museums are unique and higly visible in each community. In preindustrial traditional societies, repetetive buildings such as dwellings vary according to regions, whereas unique buildings are universal. Repetetive buildings, although roughly the same within an urban area, tend to change drastically among regions and cultures; unique buildings, although special in their urban area, tend to repeat themselves across regions and even cultures. The wide regional variety of human dwelling types found in the cities, towns, and villages of Europe stands in contrast to the minor stylistic variations of similar unique buildings-for example, Gothic churches-that exist across the continient. The attachment of repetetive elements to land and local culture, which become regional expressions, as well as the universal character of unique elements, are critical to the understanding of community forms. Probably no other duality has been so misunderstood. To consider an obvious example, skyscrapers built in downtown areas for the purpose of housing the managerial activities of corporations often indulge the egocentric corporate identity. A corporate workplace is a repetetive building type making up the majority of downtown urban patterns; it is not meant to be unique. Whenever the design of skyscrapers becomes a competition among corporations, the result is pointless escalation, confusion, and the breakdown of the urban pattern. Combination of dualities Dualities represent ranges of formal outcomes in urban patterns, taken one parameter at a time. In reality, patterns synthesize the various dualities in a single form. The following are possible combinations and examples: Unbuilt space, continuos, repetetiveUrban streets Unbuilt space, continuous, uniqueIstiklal streetts Unbuilt space, discrete, repetetiveNeighborhood plazas Unbuilt space, discrete, uniquePiazza Ortakoy Built form, continuous, repetetiveArcades Built form, continuous, uniqueDefense walls Built form, discrete, repetetiveOffice buildings Built form, discrete, uniqueBlue Mosque PATTERN ANALYSIS Urban design has a long tradition of borrowing from the past, one of that continues today as neotraditional designers look nostalgically back to the towns as an alternative to conventional development. Breaking down the analysis into layers facilitates comparison on each dimension. The five layers are: 1-Built form: Showing the footprints of all structures and the resulting grain and pattern of development. 2-Land use: Patterns showing the location and density of housing, as well as retail, office, industrial, and civic activity. 3-Public open space: Including parks, plazas, walkways, and water bodies. 4-Circulation system: Including vehicular roads, alleys, parking lots, and bicycle and pedestrian paths. 5-Pedestrian access: Showing areas with one quarter and one half mile access from a central point in the development, such as a local community or shopping center. In addition to studying the form and pattern of the developments, the analysis examines the character of public streets and public spaces; adequecy of the transportation system and the accesibility of the development to jobs, services, recreation, and schools; livability for children, teens, and elderly; and market success. URBAN TYPOLOGIES Urban patterns are formed by repetetive elements within which unique elements occur. These patterns have strong similarities and can be grouped conceptually into what we call typologies. The many similarities among certain urban structures, facilities, and spaces suggest a ‘family resemblance’ among them. This family resemblance can be found among network elements such as streets and infill elements such as buildings, among unbuilt spaces such as plazas and built forms such as urban blocks, and even among unique buildings and spaces. Some typologies are universal, others are bounded by culture. In other words, all elements in urban patterns can be, to various degrees, typical. Some definitions are in order. ‘Type’ is defined as the general form, structure, or character distinguishing a particular kind, group, or class of objects. ‘Prototype’ and ‘archetype’ are practically interchangeable concepts, indicating the first or primary type of any thing. ‘Stereotype’ is defined as something continued or constantly repeated without change. The definition of ‘type’ is based on the recognition of the essence of an object as well as on the possibility of reproducing that essence in another object. The essence of a typology is made up of a combination of key characteristics of the elements in the typology, as well as by the range of variations that the elements can experience without losing their affiliation with the typology. I am talking deliberatily about essence and not standards, a type witout the of catalogue models. Thus, any and all specific designs of a type must be variations,options, and interpretations of that type, with perhaps a few of them being closer than the others to the ideal. Urban types sre basically types of spatial organizations in settlements. However, additional cultural factors introduce the aspect of style. Gridiron blocks with row houses, central plazas, and roadside developments are ubiquitous patterns, for instance, are typical of baroque urbanism. How do typologies come into being? The concept is simple: Built elements that face the same (or very similar) sets of requirements and constraints will, in end up generating one typology as the best solution to these conditions. It is possible to imagine more than one good solution, but since human behavior tends to follow early successes, the result is often that a single typology emerges as the dominant one. In the development of a typology, several periods can be distinguished. At a given point, socioeconomic, cultural, and technological conditions may all come together to foster a new typology. For example, the Industrial Revolution and the subsequent development of industrial corporations led to the creation of large pools of adminisrative personel working together in central cities served by streetcards and, later, subway systems. The introduction of iron and, eventually, steel structures, as well as the invention of the elevator, made it possible to build tight clusters of high-rise office buildings in central buildings. Later, the development of air- conditioning systems eliminated the constrains on the size of those buildings imposed by the need for natural ventilation. Common determinants that affect a typology include the physical urban structure, municipal services, zoning and codes, technology, financial and tax structures, alternative investments, cultural beliefs, microclimate, and many others. Specific project requirements that affect a typology include the program-which is itself biased by cultural beliefs-the organization of the development entity, land and construction costs, demand markets, soil conditions, competition, and others. Technology, economic systems, social instutions-in a word, culture-are the social factors that, together with natural factors (such as microclimate, soil, and bodies of water), shape the patterns of human settlements. Technology, especially since the nineteenth century, has had an increasingly important effect in the shaping of urban typologies, including the critical areas of urban transportation- public transit, commuter rail, buses, and trolleys, as well as private automobiles along with highways and parking garages-building structures, mechanical systems, vertical circulation, instant communications, and,most recently, information processing. But quite often, built types herald later technological advance; some of the first skyscrapers in Chicago were built with load-bearing masonry walls. Culture is the prime mover in the development of urban typologies. Technology, as one of the cultural components of society. The central city skyscraper, for example, is a product of both technology and a cultural trend that encourages certain patterns of social behavior and, ultimately, certain events. Tall office buildings exist, in part, because there is a pervasive trend toward concentrating greater economic power in fewer corporations, which cluster together with other financial institutions and use their headquarters to project a corporate image. Cultural factors have always affected urban typologies. In the Middle ages, the high cost of transportation, the uncertainty of life beyond defensive walls, growing trade opportunities within a feudalistic system, and the universal institution of the churc led to the generic mediaval urban typology. It was a tightly clustered pattern, with market place and trade streets, often two centers of power (political and religious), and social institutions such as a hospital, asylum, orphanage and school near the church. Culture, building program, and technology shape typologies. Often, old types built for some specific users can be successfully adapted to other users, indicating that programs and types are not locked in a one-to-one relationship; instead, programs determine types through cultural interpretations. The basilica of Hagia Sophia, built by Constantine to be the center of Eastern Orthodox Christianity, was taken by the Turks and immediately converted to the Mosque of Istanbul, after which all other Turkish mosques have been patterned. The basilicas, in turn, were adapted from a Roman type of legal court building by early Christians, who used them as temples. Are these cases of cultural lag or adaptation, of program or type flexibility, or something different? One of the main roles of typologies may be to shape cultural symbols. Both the Byzantines and the Turks needed impressive halls to exhibit the religious glory of their empires: Hagia Sophia, the most unique element in the pattern. One of the trends most damaging to environmental richness is the cultural homogenization of urban typologies in many areas of the world. This phenomenon is well known to travelers, who find that hotels built in recent decades do not reflect regional differences, so that one cannot tell whether one is in Cairo, New York, Singapore, or Mexico, unless one leaves the hotel. Technology, of course, makes possible large climate-controlled shells anywhere, but it is the cultural dependency of many Third World countries that bears a major responsibility for this environmental impoverishment. Typically, human habitas have been rooted in the land and the local culture. Universality was restricted to the apex of the community hierarchy. It is only now that we see repetetive elements such as office buildings being elevated to the status of the universal, betraying their transnational character. As already mentioned, some typologies are local, while others are universal. The wide difference in the residential typologies of human habitats indicates that local conditions impose heavy constraints on people: Microclimate, defense, construction materials, and topography account for the majority of the differences among habitat typologies. Climate and culture can be overcome by technology. Thus homogenity, with its by- products of anonymity, gigantism, and lack of meaning, pervades urban areas in many countries. Cultural homogenity is a result of the increasing absorption of the world in the markets of the industrialized countries –primarily the United States- and the reshaping of regions and local cultures to fit the needs of the world economic metropolis. This reshaping includes the manipulation of what is considered the ‘good life’ and thus the generation of ‘perceived needs’ by local markets (and cultures). Arround the world, the good life is seen as benefiting from the replacement of local goods with foreign ones, like collage of Coca Cola and hamburgers, blue jeans and permanent press, Chevrolets and highways, glass skyscrapers and suburban developments-the glutton`s paradise. Local production is eliminated, local lifestyles are forgotten. And in the process regions become ‘culturally addicted’ to expensive, and often wasteful, foreign technologies and capital. By focusing on the right combination of localism and universality, designers will be able to produce far more responsive designers and also to (re)create new urban typologies suitable to time and place.

Civilized essays

Civilized essays What does it mean to be civilized? By definition, a civilization is simply a culture developed by a particular society or epoch. Therefore, any groups of people that have developed their own way of life and their own culture have also developed their own civilization. By creating their own civilization and living in this civilization are they not civilized? In the movie, Mr. Johnson, the main questions are, what does it mean to be civilized, who decides what is civilized, and if one is not civilized, what is the correct path to take in order to become so. A path, or more appropriately called a road in the case of the movie, is the ultimate metaphor throughout the whole video. Separated by a barrier of color, the people of Fada, Nigeria work with the whites to create a road, that once built serves as a means of transportation, not only of people and cargo but of ideas, other beliefs, other cultures, and above all, another world. What exactly does the road represent? The road represents many things. In the beginning of the movie, the main character, Mr. Johnson, is introduced. Mr. Johnson is not like other black men from Fada, he is in fact, civilized and proud of that definition. He meets his future wife, Bamu as she works; promising her that he can make her civilized and proper like the English men and women. At this point, the road is a mere hope of combining two different cultures. This project is the dream of Harry Rudbeck. Along with the help of Mr. Johnson, many of the people of Fada, all of color, are recruited to work on the road in hopes of gaining the promised reward when the road is finished. At first glance, the road appears to be simply, a long stretch of dirt and rock that takes many hands to develop. However, if a closer look was taken, it is apparent that the road develops along the same way as Mr. Johnson himself develops. Throughout the movie, it becomes obvious to us, the viewers, that ...

Border Patrol and it essays

Border Patrol and it essays To the south of San Diego lies the US- Mexico border, to some this may only be seen as a line dividing the two countries; however, on closer inspection this border is actually a gateway for economic loss, reduced security and countless other detriments to the US. The main problem is that U.S. citizens do not understand how much harm to our country arises when there is an influx of thousands unidentified people a day. For a proper understanding of why the border is at its current state it is crucial to see what has lead it up to this point. For decades, immigrants have come through the Mexican border to take advantage of higher wages and greater job availability. Before a more stringent border policy, immigrants would make the trek from southern and central America to work. Migrants were able to cross close to urban areas and avoid traveling long distances in remote areas. Because of the ease, immigrants would leave there homes to work on farms in areas like the San Joaquin valley and then return to there homes in the winter off season. This cycle was followed for many years until under the Clinton administration in the mid 1990s the border became an issue of concern Clintons people knew he couldn't win reelection with out California where anti-immigrant fever was spiking...Clinton proposed the hiring of 600 new border patrol agents in 1993. A year later, the administration rolled out a multibil lion-dollar border strategy that commenced, naturally enough, with Operation Gatekeeper in Southern California.(Moser). Despite the heightened security measures, the opportunities in the US and lack there off in Mexico were still driving masses into the country illegally. Not only did more come but less were leaving In the last 10 years, the rate of return to Mexico has fallen through the floor Says Douglas S. Massey, co director of the Mexican Migration Project at Princeton University. The ri...

Financial Modeling Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Financial Modeling - Essay Example It has been argued that this economic turmoil has rendered portfolio management theories irrelevant. This paper explores this assertion. Recent Upheavals in World Financial Markets The global financial crisis of the 21st century has been described as the greatest economic and financial crisis the world has seen since the Great Depression of the 1930s (Ciro 2012). This economic turmoil, unlike the 1930s depression, caught many by surprise. Governments, investors, and the knowledgeable and sophisticated market participants were caught unawares by the speed and intensity of the economic decline. The international credit and financial markets were disrupted and dislocated by this financial crisis especially in 2008 and 2009. Governments in response to this economic crisis came up with policy and fallout responses from 2009 and 2011. These responses to some extent have rendered portfolio management theories irrelevant. Why Portfolio Management Theories Have Become Irrelevant Portfolio man agement theories are two; portfolio theory and capital market theory. ... Brentani (2004) on the other hand defines capital market theory as dealing with the effects of investor decisions on security prices. This theory shows the relationship that should exist between risk and security returns if investors constructed portfolios as specified by portfolio theory. Markowitz (1952) asserts that the process of selecting portfolios is divided into two stages; observation and experience, and beliefs about the future performance of available securities. The impact of the financial crisis disrupted the forecasts on future performance of available securities as asserted by the portfolio theory. According to Ciro (2012), the financial crisis forced most of the banks and lenders to shut their doors as investments in the stocks markets declined drastically. This aspect made the application of forecast facet of portfolio theory difficult. King (1966) basing his argument on the 1930’s financial meltdown and the random-walk theory, claims that this upheaval has se en stock prices move together. Portfolio theory assumes that investors will choose investments that have the lowest amount of risks whenever they are presented with the same level of expected returns. Fama and French (2002) argue that investors will seek to maximize their utility basing the decision to invest on investment’s risk and return. Apparently, the financial slowdown increased the risk levels and as such it was expected that investment rates may fall. This did not happen as expected. According to Amenc and Martellini (2011), this market turbulence has also impacted the wealth levels around the globe negatively and led to doubts about the value added by professional managers by the institutional investors. According to Statman (1987),

Tourism Management Research Proposal Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Tourism Management - Research Proposal Example The charm of Cancun lies in the fact that this secluded island offers all kinds of facilities within the island so that tourists do not need to leave the island in order to get any kind of necessities. It has hotels for all classes of tourists and caters to a variety of tastes and preferences as well. In fact, Cancun has 140 hotels, which translates to 24,000 rooms. There is something here that everyone can afford. In addition there 190 flights plying to and from Cancun daily - so getting there is not a problem. This is a definite draw for a large chunk of tourists. Further, it has over 600 restaurants which ensure that people with varied tastes can find their ideal kind of cuisine in this island. In this regard, sustainable tourism is an important feature that can be built into the tourism of the area as this area garners a major proportion of income from the tourism industry in Mexico. Sustainable tourism in this region can flourish mainly as this island has a rich heritage of dive rse vegetation and scenic beauty apart from sea world vegetation and rare species of fish and other such species. Sustainable tourism in a beautiful island like Cancun is like a dream come true for environmentalists as well as policy makers who believe in green politics and green economy. Premises Premises of Analysis: Hypothesis: The study of sustainable tourism in the island of Cancun will be based on the following aspect. The case of Benidorm in the South of Spain as a model upon which the sustainable tourism model for Cancun can be fashioned. Owing to the fact that the basic issue in the case of studying the South of Spain region in terms of scope for sustainable development with an eye on positive and negative impact of such a strategy on the physical environment as well as the socio economic structure of the region in context of legislations of the regional, national and supra national organisations, there has been a use of ontology. The questionnaire method will be the following: the tourist will have to evaluate the island from the following points of view: price, range of accommodation and exposure of tourists. Literature: For the reasons mentioned above, many literary sources attached a particular to this island. In context of the impact of sustainable tourism on the physical environment and socio economic structure in the region, an important book that has helped in setting the criteria for analysis is Mediterranean Tourism: Facets of Socio Economic Development and Cultural Changes. This book has covered 13 countries and has relevant factual information upon which the analysis was based in the dissertation. The chapter titled Towards a Sustained Competitiveness in Spanish Tourism is of special relevance to this dissertation as it creates a nexus between sustainable tourism management and competitive advantage in the tourism industry. The book titled The Tourism Area Life Cycle is another relevant work that helped gain an insight into specific areas and the tourism life cycles enjoyed by the same. (Butler, 2006). In context of tourism life cycles, this book has important and relevant infor mation on the various legislations by the various supra national, national and regional organisations in case of the tourism indus

Gramsci and Hegemony Essay Example for Free

Gramsci and Hegemony Essay Antonio Gramsci is an important figure in the history of Marxist theory. While Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels provided a rigorous analysis of capital at the social and economic levels – particularly showing how capital antagonises the working class and gives rise to crisis – Gramsci supplemented this with a sophisticated theory of the political realm and how it is organically/dialectically related to social and economic conditions. He provides us with a theory of how the proletariat must organise politically if it is to effectively respond to capital’s crises and failures, and bring about revolutionary change. Incidentally, this innovation has proven to be of interest not only to Marxists, but also to those involved in other forms of progressive politics, from the civil rights movement, to gender politics, to contemporary ecological struggles. The reason why his approach has proven so popular and generally adaptable is because Gramsci was himself a man of action and his fundamental concern was with progressive strategy. Thus while in this article I plan to give a give a general outline of Gramsci’s theory of hegemony and the reasons behind its formulation, it’s important that we build on this by thinking about how we can use these concepts strategically in our own struggles. What is hegemony? It would seem appropriate to begin this discussion by asking What is hegemony?’’ It turns out to be a difficult question to answer when we are talking about Gramsci, because, at least within The Prison Notebooks, he never gives a precise definition of the term. This is probably the main reason why there is so much inconsistency in the literature on hegemony – people tend to form their own definition, based on their own reading of Gramsci and other sources. The problem with this is that if people’s reading of Gramsci is partial then so too is their definition. For example, Martin Clark (1977, p. 2) has defined hegemony as how the ruling classes control the media and education’’. While this definition is probably more narrow than usual, it does reflect a common misreading of the concept, namely that hegemony is the way the ruling class controls the institutions that control or influence our thought. Most of the academic and activist literature on hegemony, however, takes a slightly broader view than this, acknowledging more institutions than these being involved in the exercise of hegemony – at least including also the military and the political system. The problem is that even when these institutions are taken into account, the focus tends to be exclusively on the ruling class, and methods of control. Hegemony is frequently used to describe the way the capitalist classes infiltrate people’s minds and exert their domination. What this definition misses is the fact that Gramsci not only used the term hegemony’’ to describe the activities of the ruling class, he also used it to describe the influence exerted by progressive forces. Keeping this in mind, we can see that hegemony should be defined not only as something the ruling class does, it is in fact the process by which social groups – be they progressive, regressive, reformist, etc. – come to gain the power to lead, how they expand their power and maintain it. To understand what Gramsci was trying to achieve through developing his theory of hegemony, it is useful to look at the historical context that he was responding to as well as the debates in the movement at the time. The term hegemony’’ had been in general use in socialist circles since the early 20th century. Its use suggests that if a group was described as hegemonic’’ then it occupied a leadership position within a particular political sphere (Boothman, 2008). Lenin’s use of the term gegemoniya (the Russian equivalent of hegemony, often translated as vanguard’’), however, seemed to imply a process more akin to what Gramsci would describe. During his attempts to catalyse the Russian Revolution Lenin (1902/1963) made the observation that when left to their own devices, workers tended to reach only a trade union consciousness, fighting for better conditions within the existing system. To bring about revolutionary change, he argued that the Bolsheviks needed to come to occupy a hegemonic position within the struggle against the tsarist regime. This meant not only empowering the various unions by bringing them together, but also involving all of society’s opposition strata’’ in the movement, drawing out the connections between all forms of political oppression and autocratic arbitrariness’’ (Lenin, 1963, pp. 86-87). In the post-revolutionary period, however, the implication changed. Lenin argued that it was crucial to the establishment of the hegemony of the proletariat’’ that (a) the urban proletariat retain an ongoing alliance with the rural peasants (who made up the majority of Russia’s population) in order to retain national leadership and (b) that the expertise of the former capitalists be utilised, by forcing them to effectively manage state industries. These dual processes of leadership via consent and the command of force in the development of hegemony would play a crucial role in Gramsci’s theory. Gramsci had been in Russia from 1922-23 while these debates were raging and it was after this time that we see hegemony begin to take a central role in his writings. Italy As much as he was influenced by what was going on in Russia, Gramsci was also influenced by his own political experiences. Gramsci had been heavily involved in the struggle against capitalism and fascism in Italy and for a while served as the leader of the Communist Party of Italy. In the period following the World War I, there had been a lot of optimism in Europe, and Italy in particular, that now that people had seen the atrocities that the ruling classes could unleash and the alternative that was developing in Russia, some kind of workers’ revolution in Europe was imminent. Gramsci certainly shared this optimism. Events that took place in the early 1920s seemed to confirm this. Tensions at all strata of society were high, there were mass agitations and people were forming factory councils and workers co-operatives. But despite the intensity of the mobilisations, it fizzled out remarkably quickly. Unions were co-opted, workers’ co-ops became marginal and uncompetitive. Common people were intimidated by elites or otherwise captivated by the allure of fascist rhetoric. Gramsci and others formed the Italian Communist Party to try to reinvigorate the movement, but it was evident that people were too disillusioned by the failures of the previous years to really become involved. Votes for the Communist Party were disappointingly low. When Gramsci was arrested in 1926 as a part of Mussolini’s emergency measures, he found himself in prison with a lot of time to reflect on what had happened and where things went wrong. How was it that the ruling class had been able to so effectively stifle the potential of the movement, and what would be required for the progressive forces to mobilise the masses in a way that would enable them to bring about a fundamental change in society? These questions would of course be central to Gramsci’s theory of hegemony. Stages As suggested above, in The Prison Notebooks Gramsci refers to hegemony to describe activities of both currently dominant groups as well as the progressive forces. For Gramsci, whatever the social group is, we can see that there are certain common stages of development that they must go through before they can become hegemonic. Drawing on Marx, the first requirement is economic: that the material forces be sufficiently developed that people are capableof solving the most pressing social problems. Gramsci then goes on to state that there are three levels of political development that a social group must pass through in order to develop the movement that will allow change to be initiated. The first of these stages is referred to as economic-corporate’’. The corporatist is what we might understand as the self-interested individual. People become affiliated at the economic-corporate stage as a function of this self-interest, recognising that they need the support of others to retain their own security. Trade unionism is probably the clearest example of this, at least in the case of people joining a union for fear of pay cuts, retrenchment etc. One can also speak of short-term co-operation between otherwise competing capitalists in these terms. The point to emphasise is that at this stage of a group’s historical development there is no real sense of solidarity between members. In the second stage, group members become aware that there is a wider field of interests and that there are others who share certain interests with them and will continue to share those interests into the foreseeable future. It is at this stage that a sense of solidarity develops, but this solidarity is still only on the basis of shared economic interests. There is no common worldview or anything of that nature. This kind of solidarity can lead to attempts to promote legal reform to improve the group’s position within the current system, but consciousness of how they, and others, might benefit through the creation of a new system is lacking. It is only by passing through the third stage that hegemony really becomes possible. In this stage, the social group members becomes aware that their interests need to be extended beyond what they can do within the context of their own particular class. What is required is that their interests are taken up by other subordinate groups as their own. This was what Lenin and the Bolsheviks were thinking in forming an alliance with the peasants – that it was only through making the Bolshevik revolution also a peasants’ revolution, which peasants could see as being their own, that the urban proletariat could maintain its leading position. Gramsci reckoned that in the historical context that he was working in, the passage of a social group from self-interested reformism to national hegemony could occur most effectively via the political party. In this complex formulation, the different ideologies of allied groups come together. There will inevitably be conflict between these ideologies, and through a process of debate and struggle, one ideology, or a unified combination thereof, will emerge representing the allied classes. This ideology can be said to be hegemonic, the group that it represents has acquired a hegemonic position over the subordinate groups. At this stage, the party has reached maturity, having a unity of both economic and political goals as well as a moral and intellectual unity – one might say a shared worldview. With this unity behind it, the party sets about transforming society in order to lay the conditions for the expansion of the hegemonic group. The state becomes the mechanism by which this is done: policies are enacted and enforced that allow the hegemonic group to more effectively achieve its goals and to create symmetry between its goals and those of other groups. Although these goals are formulated with the interests of a single group in mind, they need to be experienced by the populace as being in the interests of everybody. In order for this to be effective, the hegemonic group must have some form of engagement with the interests of the subordinate classes. The dominant interests cannot be simplistically imposed upon them. Progressive hegemony While Gramsci considers these pragmatic moves as being requirements for any group to come to power, he also has a very deep ethical concern for the way in which the process occurs. In this sense, we can detect in Gramsci’s work a qualitative difference between the operations of hegemony by regressive, authoritarian groups on the one hand, and progressive social groups on the other. At an ethical level, Gramsci was above all else an anti-dogmatist believing that truth could not be imposed from the top down, but only made real through concrete and sympathetic dialogue with people. Where a regressive hegemony involves imposing a set of non-negotiable values upon the people, chiefly through use of coercion and deceit, a progressive hegemony will develop by way of democratically acquired consent in society. To give some flesh to these differences, the remainder of this article will elaborate on the different ways in which Gramsci talks about hegemonies of currently and previously ruling classes and how these contrast with the progressive hegemony that he hoped to see in the future. It is evident that if we look through history, the capitalist class has retained its hegemony primarily through various forms of coercion, ranging from the direct deployment of the military through to more subtle forms, for example, using economic power to marginalise political opponents. It would, however, be a great mistake to think that capitalism does not also rely heavily upon building consent. Indeed, it could be argued that it is capitalism’s consent-building that we, from a strategic point of view, need to pay more attention to, as it is on this level that we compete with them. The nature and strength of this consent varies. There are ways in which capitalism succeeds in actively selling its vision to subordinate classes. This means not only selling the distorted vision of a society of liberty, freedom, innovation, etc., but also deploying the ideas of bourgeois economics to convince working people, for example, that although capitalist policy is in the ultimate interests of the capitalist class, they too gain some of the benefits via trickle-down effects. Capitalism can also win consent among those who perhaps don’t buy the idea that the system is in their interests, but who have been convinced that there is no alternative or that the alternatives would be worse – in other words, through the promotion of the belief that the system is a necessary evil. The 20th century saw capitalism massively expand this form of consensus, largely through the corporate control of the media and advertising. In the United States in particular, the promotion of the American dream’’, and all of the useless commodities required to attain it, served not only to massively boost consumption and thereby the economic interests of the capitalists, it also sold a way of life which only capitalism could deliver. This was of course aided throughout the Cold War with simultaneous attempts to smear any alternative to capitalism as slavery. The capitalist class, in opposing any policy attempts to close in on corporately owned media, used its hegemonic political power to create the conditions for the building of further consent, in turn expanding their interests. The hegemonic group will continually struggle in this fashion to reach greater levels of consent – in this case by locking people into rigid mindsets and overcoming any optimism. We can look at former Australian Prime Minister John Howard’s attempts to expand privately owned schools, and to change high school history syllabi to make them more favourable to bourgeois perspectives as a part of this ongoing hegemonic process. The ruling class will constantly try to expand its field of interests and win further consent in response to changes in context and challenges to legitimacy. `Syndicalism’ Certain forms of trade unionism can also be seen as examples of capitalist hegemony. What Gramsci calls syndicalism’’ the view that the conditions of the workers can be maximally uplifted via the increasing power of the trade unions reflects a social group (the workers) left in the economic-corporate stage of development due to the hegemonic influence of capitalists, specifically free trade advocates, in the realm of ideology. The free trade advocates argue that the state and civil society should be kept separate, that the state should keep out of the economic sphere, which functions autonomously – leave it to the invisible hand of the market’’ and so on. The syndicalists had adopted this assumption of an arbitrary separation of the social and economic realms on the one hand and the political realm on the other, and assume that they could bring about radical change without political representation. The concrete result of this is that they are left to negotiate for narrowly defined improvements in the economic sphere, with no policy changes that would allow these wins to take on a more permanent basis. Meanwhile, the free trade advocates are themselves actively involved in policy, despite their claims, setting up conditions that will be favourable to the capitalist class! When the interests of the capitalist class are directly threatened, however, the hegemonic forces will inevitably resort to coercion. There is no room to negotiate on this, within the current hegemonic order. On a simple level this can mean legislating to allow police to crack down on workers taking industrial action, who threaten profits in an immediate sense. But a far bigger threat to the capitalists is the development of a hegemonic alternative within civil society. The threat is that people will move from the economic-corporate phase, and recognise that their interests overlap with all of those whom capitalism marginalises and holds back, that they will come to recognise their power and demand radical change. This being the greatest threat to capital, the most effective way for it to use coercion is to break apart emerging progressive alliances between subordinate groups. When confronted with force and economic bullying, the people are less able to relate to the group. Concerns for survival mean that people have to defend their own interests as individuals. The movement of the progressive hegemony is slowed, as people are forced to behave in a corporatist manner. The ruling class can also try to violently break apart movements by stirring up ideological differences, appealing to religion, for example. Democracy and consensus Gramsci saw the development of a progressive hegemony involving a far greater degree of openness, democracy and consensus, rather than coercion. In so far as there is coercion, it should only exist to hold back those reactionary forces that would thwart society’s development. This would allow the masses the space in which to reach their potential. A large part of The Prison Notebooks is devoted to figuring out what would be required for this kind of hegemony to develop, and a lot of Gramscian thinkers since have devoted themselves to this puzzle. As a starting point, we can say that while the existing hegemony tries to keep all the disaffected and subordinate social groups divided, the emergent progressive hegemony must bring them together. Gramsci certainly recognised the challenge involved in this. In his own historical situation (and as is undoubtedly still the case in ours), there were considerable barriers between the marginalised groups in terms of experiences, language and worldview. What all of these groups had in common, however, was that none of them had adequate political representation within the current system. Gramsci calls these groups that lack political representation subaltern’’. The challenge of the hegemonic group is to provide a critique of the system such that subaltern groups are made aware of their commonality and then raised up’’ into the political life of the party. In order to facilitate this incorporation of others, Gramsci stressed the need for the hegemonic group to move beyond its economic-corporatist understanding of its own interests, sacrificing some of its immediate economic goals in the interest of deeper moral and intellectual unity. It would need to overcome its traditional prejudices and dogmas and take on a broader view if was to lead while maintaining trust and consensus (both necessary to overcome existing power). If these aligned forces are to have any historical significance, they need to be enduring and organically related to conditions on the ground, not merely a temporary convergence. To develop mass momentum they would need to demonstrate, both in people’s imagination and in action, that they were capable of coming to power and achieving the tasks they had set for themselves. These tasks must effectively be everyone’s tasks – they must come to represent every aspiration, and be the fulfilment of the failed movements of the previous generations. Such a demonstration of power and historical significance could not be achieved through a passive action, of which Gramsci provides the example of the general strike. If the movement simply represents the rejection of the existing system or non-participation in it, then it would quickly fragment into everyone’s unique ideas of what should replace the system precisely at the moment when unity is most called for. It must be an active embodiment of the collective will, crystallised in a constructive and concrete agenda for change. Clearly this is no small ask, and Gramsci is certainly not of the view that one can just implement these strategies as though reading from a manual. What is called for is for rigorous work on the ground laying the moral and intellectual terrain upon which these historical developments can occur. One develops the unity, self-awareness and maturity of the movement, making it a powerful and cohesive force, and then patiently, with careful attention to the contextual conditions, waits for the opportune moment for this force to be exerted. Moment of crisis This moment is the moment of crisis within the existing, dominant hegemony: the moment at which it becomes clear to the populace that the ruling class can no longer solve the most pressing issues of humanity. Provided that the progressive forces adequately assert the alternative at this moment and the ruling group is unable to rapidly rebuild consent, it becomes visible that the conditions under which the ruling group became hegemonic are now passing away and society can collectively say We don’t need you anymore.’’. Gramsci calls this process of historical purging catharsis’’ in which structure ceases to be an external force which crushes man, assimilates him to itself and makes him passive; and is transformed into a means of freedom, an instrument to create a new ethico-political form and a source of new initiatives.’’ (Gramsci, 1971, p. 367.) For Gramsci the need for this transition from the world as it is to the freedom to create the world anew should be the starting point for all Marxist strategy. So, what does Gramsci have to offer us? His insistence that the socialist political form should be one of openness, democracy and the building of consensus certainly provides us with greater vision and focus and really ought to inform the activities of all progressive political groups – if not for ethical reasons, then at least because in the present environment, without a willingness to genuinely work on building consensus with others, one’s chances of success are very much diminished. (We’re not the ruling class – we don’t have the means to coerce). More than this, however, Gramsci provides us with a way of thinking; he gives us the conceptual tools to dissect the political situation we find ourselves in, to view it in historical context and to understand where we can find the conditions for the further development of our power. †¢ [Trent Brown is a doctoral student at the University of Wollongong and a member of Friends of the Earth Illawarra.] Bibliography Boothman, D. (2008). Hegemony: Political and Linguistic Sources for Gramsci’s Concept of Hegemony’’. In R. Howson and K. Smith (Eds.), Hegemony: Studies in Consensus and Coercion. London: Routledge. Clark, M. (1977). Antonio Gramsci and the Revolution that Failed. New Haven: Yale University Press. Gramsci, A. (1926). Some aspects of the southern question’’ (V. Cox, Trans.). In R. Bellamby (Ed.), Pre-Prison Writings (pp. 313-337). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gramsci, A. (1971). Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci, Q. Hoare G. N. Smith, eds. trans. London: Lawrence and Wishart. Howson, R. (2006). Challenging Hegemonic Masculinity. London: Routledge. Howson, R. Smith, K. (2008). Hegemony: Studies in Consensus and Coercion. London: Routledge. Lenin, V. I. (1963). What is to be Done? S.V. Utechin P. Utechin, trans. Oxford: Oxford University Press. From: http://links.org.au/node/1260

Atlanta Braves :: essays research papers fc

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Many people see the Atlanta Braves in different lights, by asking diverse people about them, you will get some vastly dissimilar answers. If you ask any young person who the Atlanta Braves are, you will most likely hear something like this: The best overall baseball team since I’ve been alive. But if you ask an older wiser person who the Atlanta Braves are, here’s the answer you’ll probably get: A baseball team that has come back incredibly from they’re not so grand past, a great story of a worst to first baseball team. However if you go to an informed person, someone who knows all about the Atlanta Braves and ask them the same question, I’m sure you’ll get an answer like this: The Atlanta Braves are a team with rich history, great victories, and superb leadership that has allowed them to capture 12 consecutive division titles.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Atlanta Braves’ history is very deep and very interesting, with 3 moves 3 national titles and numerous stadiums, the Braves have been and will be one of the most fascinating teams in baseball.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã¢â‚¬Å"The Braves started in 1876 in Boston, known then as the ‘Red Stockings’. And in 1883 they became then ‘Beaneaters’ and then the now infamous ‘Braves’ in 1912. Then in 1914 the Boston Braves won they’re first national title, by sweeping Philadelphia.† (Atlanta.braves.mlb.com/NASApp/mlb/atl/history/atl_history_timeline.jsp)   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In 1953, the Braves moved to Milwaukee Wisconsin, and winning the franchise’s 2nd World Series only 4 years later in 1957. (Atlanta.braves.mlb.com/NASApp/mlb/atl/history/atl_history_timeline.jsp)   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Braves moved to Atlanta in 1966. The Braves didn’t have the best teams from 1966-1990, no World Series titles, just not up to where they had been in earlier years. In 1990 the braves had the worst record in baseball, and then in 1991, they went from worst to first, and went to the World Series. They went again in 1992, but unfortunately, they lost both times. However, in 1995 the Braves went to the Championship of baseball once again, they represented the National League, and the Cleveland Indians represented the American League. The Series went six games, and in game six the Braves won, beating the Indians, one to nothing, and winning the World Series.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  I myself remember that game, I was in my living room with my family watching the game, and David Justice hit a solo home run, the only run of the game. Tom Glavine pitched a great game, I remember being so excited when they won.